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THE BEACON BIOGRAPHIES 

EDITED BY 

M. A. DeWOLFE HOWE 



DAVID G. FARRAGUT 

BY 

JAMES BARNES 




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DAVID G. FARRAGUT 



BY 



JAMES BARNES 




LONDON 

KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. 
Limited 



Copyright, i8gp /p*^ 

By Small, Maynard &' Company ^ r\ C" 



Entered at Stationers^ Hall 



6— 

ESTA«.. 0'^ 

VICTOR S. C MK 

SEPT. 3, 194G 

fWE LIBRARY OF COMGRESS 



Press of 
George H. Ellis, Boston, U.S.J. 



The photogravure used as a frontispiece to 
this volume is from a photograph taken in 
1865 J hy Bogardus, New York. The pres- 
ent engraving is by John Andrew & Sonj 
Boston, 



PREFACE. 

Perhaps no man who ever achieved signal 
success in some special walk of life was 
better^ fitted for it, either by inclination or 
by trahiing^ than David Glasgow Farragut, 
first admiral of the United States Mtvy, teas 
fitted for the art of naval warfare. His 
preparatory trai7ii7ig for his xwofession con- 
sistedj not of a several years' course of 
scientific study at the Naval Academy^ — for 
there was no naval academy in his day, — 
but of hard service both in the i^outine of 
peace, and the work of war. 

He was an officer in the naval service of 
his govejiiment at an age when most boys 
are still at their mothers^ apron-strings or 
scribbling on their slates at school. His 
book education (if such it may be called) 
at that period was the little practical learn- 
ing that his friend and guardian. Lieu- 
tenant Porter, found time to teach him, 
and to have him taught by others. 

While a boy of twelve, Farragut was 
recommended for bravery in action, and, 



viii PEEFACE 

subsequently, with reason, though ivith seem- 
ing injustice, denied the only reward then 
possible, — promotion, — on the ground that 
he was too young for the untried responsi- 
bility. Manliness even then was the Jcey- 
7iote of his character. He was always a 
man, in the finest and noblest sense of the 
word. 

A work of this hind requires but a brief 
introduction. He who reads FarraguVs 
letters and diaries Jcnows the man, his char- 
acter, and much of his history. There is 
not a story of the Civil War which does not 
devote some of its most important chapters 
to Admiral FarraguVs achievements. The 
volumes of reports to the various secretaries 
of the navy, shortly to appear, will embody 
all of his official correspondence, which ex- 
tended over a period of half a century. 

The author wishes to acknowledge with 
gratitude the kindly assistance of Loyall 
Farragut in the preparation of data and 
personal informatioyi contained in this small 
volume^ and also his indebtedness to Mr, 



PEEFACE ix 

FarraguVs invaluable ^^ Life of David 
Glasgow Farragut,^^ constant reference to 
ivhich greatly lessened his labor and in- 
creased his interest in the compilation of the 

presmtwork. JAMES BARNES. 

New York, March, 1899. 



CHRONOLOGY. 

1801 
July 5. David Glasgow Farragut was 
born at Campbell's Station, East Ten- 
nessee. 

1810 
December 17. Appointed midshipman in 
the United States Navy. 

1811 
August. Sailed on his first cruise. 

1812 
June. Sailed from New York on second 
cruise after declaration of war. 

1813 
June. Put in command of the Alexander 
Barclay as prize- master. 

1814 
March 28. His first battle, Essex, PhoebCy 
and Cherub. 

July 7. Arrived at New York a paroled 
prisoner. 
November 30. Exchanged. 



xii CHRONOLOGY 

1815 
April. Sailed from Boston for the Medi- 
terranean in the ship-of-the-line Inde- 
pendence, 74, returning in the fall of the 
same year. 

1816 
Spring. Sailed from Boston for the Medi- 
terranean a second time, wintered at 
Port Mahon, visited his father's birth- 
place. 

1817 
Spring. Began an extended cruise in the 
Mediterranean. 

1818 
January. Went to study at Tunis with 
United States Consul Charles Folsom. 
December. Reported for duty on board 
the Franklin at Messina. 

1819 
Spring. Cruise to the Mediterranean con- 
tinued. First promotion. Appointed 
acting lieutenant on board the little 
brig SharJc, 



CHEONOLOGY xiii 

1820 
November 20. Arrived at New York to 
undergo his examination. 

1822 
May. Went to sea in the John Adams. 
December 1. Eetxirned to Norfolk. 

1823 
February. Sailed in the schooner Grey- 
hound for West Indies. Became execu- 
tive officer of the Seagull. 
July. Obtained command of the Ferret. 
September. Married to Miss Marchant at 
Norfolk, Va. 

1825 
January 23. Commissioned lieutenant, 
and ordered to the frigate Brandywine to 
convey Lafayette to France. 

1826 
May. Arrived in New York. Ordered to 
the receiving ship Alert at Norfolk, Va. 

1828 
October. Ordered to the Vandalia. 
December. Sailed for the Brazil station. 



xiv CHRONOLOGY 

1830 
February. Arrived back at Norfolk. 

1832 
December, Ordered to the Natchez. 

1833 
January. Ordered to Charleston on ac- 
count of the nullification troubles. 
May. Sailed for the coast of Brazil. 

1834 
June. Took command of the Boxer at 
Rio Janeiro. 
July. Returned to Norfolk in her. 

1838 
August. Took command of the Erie, 
and sailed for Vera Cruz. 
December. Witnessed the capture of 
San Juan d'Ulloa by the French. 

1839 
January. Gave up the Erie. 

1840 
December 17. Mrs. Farragut died. 



CHRONOLOGY xv 

1841 
February. Became executive officer of 
the Delaware. 
September 9. Commissioned commander. 

1842 
June. Took command of the Decatur, 
and sailed for the South American sta- 
tion. 

1843 
February. Arrived back at Norfolk. 
December. Married Miss Loyall at Nor- 
folk. 

1844 
April. Ordered to the receiving ship 
Pennsylvania. 
July. Ordered to Navy Yard, Norfolk. 

1847 
February. Took command of the Sara- 
togUy and sailed for the Gulf of Mexico. 

1848 
February 19. Arrived in New York. 
Ordered to Navy Yard at Norfolk. 



xvi CHRONOLOGY 

1850-51 
Employed in compiling a book of ord- 
nance regulations. 

1854 
August Ordered to California to estab- 
lish a navy yard. 

1855 
September 14. Commissioned captain. 

1858 
July. Left California. Ordered to take 
command of the Brooklyn^ and convey 
Minister McLane to Mexico. 

1859 
January. Ordered to Hayti. 

1860 
Took an exploring party to the isthmus 
of Chiriqui. 

1861 
April. Forced to leave Norfolk, Ya., at 
the breaking out of the Civil War, be- 
cause of his loyalty. Eemoved to Hast- 
ings- on- the- Hudson, N.Y. 



CHRONOLOGY xvii 

1862 
January. Given command of the Western 
Gulf Squadron, and sent against New 
Orleans. 

April 24. Attacked and passed Forts 
Jackson and St. Philip with his fleet, 
and captured New Orleans. 
June 28. Passed the batteries at Vicks- 
burg. 
July 16. Commissioned rear-admiral. 

1863 
March 14. Passed the batteries at Port 
Hudson. 
August 1. Sailed for New York. 

1864 
January. Sailed for the Gulf. 
August 5. Attacked and passed the de- 
fences of Mobile Bay, and conquered the 
Confederate fleet. 

August 23. Received the surrender of 
Fort Morgan. 

December 12. Reached New York. 
December 23. Commissioned vice-admi- 
ral. 



xviii CHROI^OLOGY 

1865 
January 23. Ordered temporarily to the 
James River. 
Aj^ril 4. Entered Richmond. 

1866 
July 26. Commissioned admiral. 

1867 
June 28. Sailed from Kew York in the 
Franklin for an extended cruise in Eu- 
ropean waters. 

1868 
November 10. Reached New York. 

1869 
Summer. Visited the Pacific coast. 

1870 
August 14. David Glasgow Farragut 
died at Portsmouth, N. H. 
September 30. Public funeral held in Kew 
York. 



DAVID G. FARRAGUT 



DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT. 



David Glasgow Farragut came of 
good stock. His father, George Farra- 
gut, was a man who had led a rest- 
less, active life, full of movement and 
enterprise. In his veins flowed the blood 
of a long line of soldiers, sailors, and 
adventurers, — forbears who had much 
to do with the history of Italy and 
Spain ; for he was born in the island of 
Minorca, in the Mediterranean Sea. 

On the blank leaf of an old Bible, now 
in the possession of the admiral's family, 
there is the following record : — 

^^My Son, — Your father, George Far- 
ragut, was born in the Island of Minorca, 
in the Mediterranean, in 1755, the 29th 
of September, in Ciudadella, and came 
away from that island the second day 
of April, 1772. Came to America in 
March, 1776. Your mother, Elizabeth 
Shine, was born in [Rorth Carolina, 



2 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
Dobbs County, near Kinnston, on the 
Neuse Eiver, in 1765, on the 7th 
of June. Her father, John Shine ; 
mother, EUeuor Mclven." 

The Scotch blood David Farragut in- 
herited from his mother's side was just 
the admixture necessary to produce tlie 
composite temperamental qualities which 
showed throughout his crowded life, — 
coolness in the face of danger, the can- 
niness of judgment of the Celt, and the 
dash and daring, the chivalrous manner, 
distinguishing the Latin. He inherited 
also no small amount of humor — a char- 
acteristic plainly Scotch — and a deeply 
religious nature that showed itself upon 
more than one occasion. 

George Farragut, his father, had been 
a little of everything, — a ^Soldier and 
sailor too." He had been an officer in 
the navy, a major of cavalry in Tennes- 
see, and an explorer and pioneer in the 
unsettled portion of what was then the 
borderland. At last he had settled 



DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 3 
down as a farmer and planter in the 
semi-tropical groves of Louisiana. 

David Glasgow Farragut was born 
at Campbell Station, near Knoxville, 
Tenn., July 5, 1801. In 1809 his 
father, who had been sailing master of 
a schooner in the United States Kavy, 
was transferred to the naval station at 
New Orleans. In this same year he 
purchased a farm of nine hundred acres 
on the Pascagoula River. It happened 
that, upon a visit of Commander David 
Porter to the plantation, the latter met, 
and took a great fancy to, the little boy 
David ; and, this fancy growing, he pro- 
posed to the father that he should prac- 
tically adopt him and bring him up 
with the intention of making him an 
officer in the navy. 

It is evident that even at this early 
age (Farragut was then short of nine 
years) he must have displayed some- 
thing that attracted the officer's atten- 
tion. At any rate, the proposition was 



4 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
left to the boy's own decision ; and 
lie made up his mind to accept it. 
When Porter sailed from New Orleans 
for the North, the lad bade farewell to 
his own father, and set sail with Mrs. 
Porter and his adopted parent. 

David was placed at school at Chester, 
while Porter remained at Washing- 
ton. The Secretary of the Navy, 
Paul Hamilton, who in the mean time 
had met the boy, had been so impressed 
by his manly bearing that he had prom- 
ised him a midshij)man's commission 
as soon as he reached the age of ten. 
The fact is, however, that the commis- 
sion, when it came, bore the date of 
Dec. 17, 1810 ; and at that time Farra- 
gut was but nine years and five months 
old. 

Porter was not promoted to be a cap- 
tain until July 12, 1812, but was given 
the command of the frigate Essex, then 
lying at Norfolk, Va., in August, 1811. 
The little midshipsman, now ten years 



DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 5 
and one month old, was ordered to join 
him there. 

What he writes of himself in referring 
to this time of his life is so complete 
that it can here be inserted word for 
word. 

^^ On reaching the Essex j^'^ he writes, 
^^I was exceedingly pleased with the 
ship and her of&cers. John Downes was 
the first lieutenant; James P. Wilmer, 
second ; James Wilson, third j William 
Finch, fourth ; John M. Gamble, marine 
officer ; Robert Miller, surgeon ; Richard 
K. Hoffman and Alex. M. Montgomery, 
assistant surgeons ; David P. Adams, 
chaplain ; John R. Shaw, purser. The 
ship was soon refitted and ready for sea, 
when we received orders to join the 
coast squadron under Commodore Rodg- 
ers, consisting of the frigates President^ 
United States, Congress, and Essex, with 
the brig Argus. Nothing occurred of 
note until we went into port to winter. 
We cruised on the coast, and exercised 



6 DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 
the crews until they were brought to as 
great a state of perfection and discipline 
as ever existed, probably, in the navy. 
Our ship, the Essex, was the ^ smartest^ 
in the squadron ; and Commodore Rodg- 
ers complimented our captain highly. So 
efficient had our crew become that they 
were divided into three watches, and 
that arrangement remained in force 
until the day of the ship's capture. 

^^We went to Newport, R.I., on 
Christmas Eve, 1811, and anchored off 
the bluffs, not being able to bring up 
in the harbor. About four o'clock in 
the morning it commenced to blow very 
hard from the north-east with sleet and 
snow, and we let go another anchor, and 
at half-past six let go a third and a 
fourth ; but she dragged the whole of 
them, and went ashore just off the bluffs. 
She heeled over very much j and in a 
short time the main and mizzen topgal- 
lant masts were blown away, everything 
being so clogged with ice as to render it 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 7 
impossible to house the masts. It was 
understood that we lay on a bank, and, 
if the ship should beat over, nothing 
could save us from being dashed against 
the cliflfe, which seemed a perfect mass 
of ice. The only hope left of saving the 
lives of the crew was to cut away the 
masts as soon as the ship was sufficiently 
near the bank ; and the men were ac- 
cordingly stationed at the galley with 
axes, ready to execute the order, for no 
one could keep the deck. The captain 
and first lieutenant were on the lookout 
by turns, a few minutes only at a time, 
the cold being so intense that one of the 
men, an Indian or mulatto, was found 
in his hammock frozen. Fortunately, 
the gale abated at this critical period 
without doing us any further injury ; 
but there was great destruction on the 
coast from its fearful effects. The Nau- 
tilus came in soon afterward, with the 
loss of her guns, and otherwise severely 
crippled. 



8 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 

^^ During the remainder of the winter 
the midshipmen of the squadron were 
sent to school to a Mr. Adams ; and early 
in the spring the squadron went to New 
York, where some of the ships under- 
went repairs." 

The long-expected war with Great 
Britain was close at hand. Notwith- 
standing the fact that the right to search 
our vessels-of-war had been explicitly dis- 
avowed by her after the unhappy 0/ies- 
apedke affair of 1807, Great Britain 
showed a deference more and more scant 
toward the neutral rights of a power so 
obviously feeble as was the United States ; 
and the bonds of peace so long strained 
were ready to break. The ships of the 
United States navy, that was so shortly 
to acquire a glory before unknown to 
our modest naval annals, came igno- 
miniously near to being ordered out of 
commission and prevented from taking 
any part in the war ; but at the last 
moment bolder and better counsels pre- 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 9 

vailed, and early in the month of June, 
1812, a small squadron was brought 
together in I^ew York Harbor. It con- 
sisted of the President, 44, under the 
command of Commodore Eodgers ; the 
Essex, 32, Captain Porter j and the Hor- 
net, 18, Captain Lawrence. The rest of 
the little navy was scattered along the 
coast, under repairs or fitting out for 
sea. 

War was declared between the United 
States and Great Britain on the 18th of 
June, 1812. On the 21st the frigates 
United States, 44, under the command of 
Captain Decatur, the Congress, 38, under 
the command of Captain Smith, and the 
brig Argus, 16, Lieutenant Commander 
St. Clair, joined the squadron and set sail. 
The Essex left the harbor some weeks 
later, having had to overhaul her rig- 
ging and restow her hold. 

Captain Porter, as soon as he had put 
the highlands behind him, headed for 
the Banks of Newfoundland, where he 



10 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGTTT 
had numerous adventures and captured 
several prizes, among them the British 
sloop-of-war Alert, the first armed vessel 
to fall into the hands of the American 
navy. On one occasion, by a ruse, he 
succeeded in passing the line-of-battle- 
ship Antelope in a fog, though near 
enough to ^^ smell her/' as a sailor 
would say, which, by the by, in those 
days, was more than a figure of speech. 

On another occasion Porter cut out 
from a fleet of transports an armed 
barque, upon which he found many sol- 
diers and some general officers. The 
vessel convoying this fleet was the Mi- 
nerva, and she deliberately refused to 
engage the Essex^ although the anxiety 
of the latter to bring her to action was 
evident. 

Owing to the crowded condition of the 
ship. Captain Porter was compelled to 
make a cartel of the Alertj and de- 
spatched the captured officers and men 
to Halifax under parole. 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 11 
Turning to the southward, off the 
coast of Long Island, Porter ran across 
two British frigates and a brig that 
proved afterward to have been the 
Acosta, Shannon^ and Ringdove. As the 
Essex had the weather-gauge, they en- 
deavored to decoy her into gunshot. 
Failing in this, they set out in chase of 
her ; but she outran them all. Captain 
Porter entered the Delaware, sailing up 
to New Castle and thence to Chester, 
where he overhauled his ship once more 
before putting to sea. 

While lying there at anchor, a mes- 
sage was brought to him by a little ves- 
sel which the British had allowed to 
proceed in shore. It was from Sir 
James Yeo of the frigate Southampton^ 
— nothing short of a challenge to a con- 
flict off the Capes. After presenting 
his compliments in the usual stilted 
fashion of the day, Sir James's spleen 
evidently got the better of him ; for he 
wrote that he would ^' be glad to have 



12 DAVID GLASGOW FAEKAGUT 
a tete-a-tete anywhere between the 
Capes of Delaware and Havana,^' when 
he would have the pleasure of break- 
ing his own sword over his ( Porter^ s) 
^'d — d head'^ and put him ^^ forward 
in irons. '^ Porter replied that he ac- 
cepted with pleasure Sir James's polite 
invitation, and would prefer to meet 
him off the Delaware Capes, where 
'^Captain Porter pledges his honor 
that no other American vessel shall 
interrupt the tete-a-tete. The Essex 
may be known/' goes on Captain Por- 
ter, ^'by a flag bearing the motto of 
^ Free Trade and Sailors' Eights ! ' and, 
when that is struck to the Southamp- 
toriy Captain P. will deserve the treat- 
ment promised by Sir James." In 
writing of this incident, Farragut says, 
^^ We put to sea immediately, but could 
not find Sir James." 

The Essex finally sailed from the Dela- 
ware under orders to join Commodore 
Bainbridge, then cruising off the coast 



I) AVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 13 
of Brazil in the Constitution in com- 
pany with the sloop -of- war Hornetj 
under command of James Lawrence. 
Several rendezvous were appointed; 
but, owing to the Constitution having 
captured the Java^ and the Hornet hav- 
ing captured the Peacocky the meeting 
did not take place at any of the ap- 
pointed harbors, and Captain Porter 
was left to choose his own sailing- 
grounds. 

A bold idea entered his head. It was 
nothing less than to sail around the 
Horn into the Pacific, and carry destruc- 
tion to the British shipping in the 
Western waters. He would of course 
have no base of supplies, would be cut 
off from all help and assistance ; but such 
a venture tempted his spirit greatly. 
The Essex received a severe buffeting 
in the icy waters of the Straits of Ma- 
gellan, but she succeeded at last in 
working her way up the coast of South 
America. 



14 DAYID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

The history of the eventful cruise 
that followed would make a separate 
volume. It has been told delightfully 
by Captain Porter himself in the book 
entitled ^^ Porter's Narrative/' the first 
edition of which was suppressed by the 
United States government, owing to 
the too familiar and detailed descrip- 
tion of some unlicensed portion of a 
sailor's life in the Pacific Isles. 

David Farragut, although of such 
tender years, already began to display 
some of the marks of his future great- 
ness. He was ever willing, eager, and 
trustworthy. Upon one occasion he was 
made prize- master of the captured ves- 
sel Barclay^ and sailed and all but navi- 
gated her for three weeks without assist- 
ance. At this time he was but twelve 
years of age. It seems hardly possible, 
as we think of it, that such responsibil- 
ity could have been placed in the hands 
of a little boy ; but Captain Porter 
had not judged amiss. Farragut was a 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 15 

man in all but years, stature, and expe- 
rience. 

In the space of a few months Porter 
captured vessel after vessel, until he had 
more prizes than he could man. They 
all were lying in the harbor of one of 
the Marquesas Islands, the beautiful 
Nukahiva. Among the nine vessels in 
the squadron were the Atlantic, which 
had been armed and equipped as a 
consort of the flagship and renamed 
the Ussex Junior, the New Zealand, the 
Seringapatan, and the Sir Andrew Ham- 
mond, The prisoners outnumbered the 
crew on the Essex, there were not 
enough ofi&cers to take charge of the 
vessels, and it was with great reluc- 
tance that Captain Porter was forced 
to sail away, leaving a force of ma- 
rines in command of a lieutenant, and 
a battery commanding the harbor that 
had been named Massachusetts Bay. 

On the 9th of December, 1813, the 
Essex, accompanied by the Essex Jun- 



16 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
iovj under Commander Downes, sailed 
for Valparaiso, Chile. An interesting 
episode, which might be touched upon 
before leaving this part of the subject, 
is the fact that, during the stay at 
Kukahiva, Porter had taken sides with 
one of the tribes that were then at 
war in the interior of the islands, and 
had settled the conflict for good and all 
with the aid of his bullets and powder. 
This side-show warfare had given the 
sailors some employment j but Farragut 
was forbidden to take part in the expe- 
ditions of the land forces, for the reason, 
as he expressed it afterward, that his 
^'legs were too short to climb the 
mountains.'^ 

Early in January of the year 1814 
they arrived off the coast of Chile and 
finally came to anchor at Valparaiso, 
whence the Essex was doomed to de- 
part under another flag. The action 
that brought us so much glory, and 
which gave the watchword, ^^Eemem- 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 17 
ber the Essex^^ to our navy, is so well 
described in Admiral Farragut's own 
words that it is well to quote verbatim, 
without further preamble. 

^^ After looking into Concepcion, we 
ran down to Valparaiso, where we lay 
until the arrival of the British frigate 
Fhosbe and sloop-of-war Cherub. This 
occurred early in February. The frig- 
ate mounted thirty long eighteen-pound- 
ers, sixteen thirty - two-pounder car- 
ronades, one howitzer, and six three- 
pounders in the tops, with a crew of 
three hundred and twenty men. The 
Cherub had eighteen thirty -two- 
pounder carronades, eight twenty- four- 
pounders, two long nines, and a crew of 
one hundred and eighty men. 

^^When they made their appearance 
off the port, our whole watch, being a 
third of our crew, were on the shore on 
liberty. The mate of an English mer- 
chantman, which was lying in port at 
the time, went immediately on board 



18 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
the Phcehe and stated to Captain Hill- 
yar that one-half of our men were on 
shore, and that the Essex would fall an 
easy prey. The two ships then hauled 
into the harbor on a wind. The Phcehe 
made our larboard quarter, but the 
Cherub fell to leeward about half a mile. 
On gaining our quarter, the Phcehe put 
her helm down, and luffed up on our 
starboard bow, coming within ten or 
fifteen feet of the Essex. 

'•'1 should say here that, as soon as 
the enemy hove in sight, we fired a gun 
and hoisted a cornet for ' all boats and 
men to return,^ and that in fifteen 
minutes every man was at his quarters, 
and but one was under the influence 
of liquor, he a mere boy. When the 
Phcehe, as before mentioned, was close 
alongside, and all hands at quarters, 
the powder- boys stationed with slow 
matches ready to discharge the guns, 
the boarders, cutlass in hand, stand- 
ing by to board in the smoke, as was 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 19 
our custom at close quarters, the in- 
toxicated youth saw, or imagined that 
he saw, through the port, some one on 
the Phoebe grinning at him. ^My fine 
fellow, I'll stop your making faces,' he 
exclaimed, and was just about to fire 
his gun, when Lieutenant McKnight saw 
the movement, and with a blow sprawled 
him on the deck. Had that gun been 
fired, I am convinced that the Phoebe 
would have been ours. But it was des- 
tined to be otherwise. We were all at 
quarters and cleared for action, waiting 
with breathless anxiety for the command 
from Captain Porter to board, when the 
English captain [Hillyar] appeared, 
standing on the after-gun, in a pea- 
jacket, and in plain hearing said, — 

^^ ^Captain Hillyar' s compliments to 
Captain Porter, and hopes he is well.' 

^^ Porter replied, ^ Very well, I thank 
you ; but I hope you will not come too 
near, for fear some accident might take 
place which would be disagreeable to 



20 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
you.' And with a wave of his trumpet 
the kedge anchors went up to our yard- 
arms, ready to grapple the enemy. 

^^ Captain Hillyar braced back his 
yards, and remarked to Porter that, if he 
did fall aboard him, he begged to assure 
the captain it would be entirely acci- 
dental. 

^^^Well,' said Porter, ^you have no 
business where you are. If you touch a 
rope-yarn of this ship, I shall board in- 
stantly. ' He then hailed the Essex Junior , 
and told Captain Downes to be prepared 
to repel the enemy. 

^^But our desire for a fight was not 
yet to be gratified. The JPhoebe backed 
down, her yards passed over ours, not 
touching a rope, and she anchored about 
half a mile astern. We thus lost an 
opportunity of taking her, though we 
had observed the strict neutrality of 
the port under very aggravating cir- 
cumstances. 

^^ We remained together in the harbor 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 21 

for some days, when the British vessels, 
having completed their provisioning 
and watering, went to sea, and com- 
menced a regular blockade of our ships. 
One night we manned all our boats for 
the purpose of boarding the enemy out- 
side. The captain, in his boat, with 
muffled oars, pulled so close up to the 
Fhcebe that he could hear the conver- 
sation of the men in the forecastle, and 
thereby learned that they were lying at 
their quarters prepared for us. So the 
attempt was given up, and we returned 
on board. 

^^It was understood in our ship one 
day that Captain Porter had sent word 
to Captain Hillyar that, if he would send 
the Cherub to the leeward point of the 
harbor, he would go out and fight him. 
We all believed the terms would be ac- 
cepted, and everything was kept in 
readiness to get under way. Soon after 
the Fhcebe was seen standing in with her 
motto flag flying, on which was ^God 



22 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
and our Country ! Britisli Sailors' Best 
Rights ! ' This was in answer to Porter's 
flag, ^Free Trade and Sailors' Eights ! ' 
She fired a gun to windward, and the 
Cherub was seen running to leeward. 
In five minutes our anchor was up, and 
under topsails and jib we cleared for 
action. In fact, we were always ready 
for that. When within two miles of our 
position, the Phcebe bore up, and set 
her studdingsails. This I considered a 
second breach of faith on the part of 
Hillyar ; for by his manoeuvres in both 
instances it was evident that he was 
either wanting in courage or lacked the 
good faith of a high-toned, chivalrous 
spirit to carry out his original intention. 
However, as Captain Hillyar subse- 
quently proved himself a brave man in 
more than one instance, I shall not deny 
him that common characteristic of a 
naval officer, and have attributed his 
action on these two occasions to a want 
of good faith. He was dealing with a 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 23 

far inferior force ; and it was ignoble, in 
the extreme, on his part, not to meet his 
foe, when he had the ghost of an excuse 
for doing so, ship to ship. 

^^On the 28th of March, 1814, it came 
on to blow from the south ; and we parted 
our larboard cable, dragging the star- 
board anchor leeward. We immediately 
got under way, and made sail on the 
ship. The enemy's vessels were close 
in with the weathermost point of the 
bay; but Captain Porter thought we 
could weather them, so we hauled up 
for that purpose and took in our top- 
gallant sails, which had been set over 
close-reefed topsails. But scarcely had 
the topgallant sails been clewed down, 
when a squall struck the ship, and, 
though the topsail halyards were let 
go, the yards jammed, and would not 
come down. When the ship was nearly 
gunwale under, the maintopmast went 
by the board, carrying the men who 
were on the main topgallant yard into 



24 DAVID GLASGOW FAEKAGUT 
the sea; and they were drowned. We 
immediately wore ship, and attempted to 
regain the harbor, but, owing to the 
disaster, were unable to do so. There- 
fore, we anchored in a small bay about 
a quarter of a mile off shore and three- 
quarters of a mile from a small battery. 

^^But it was evident from the prepara- 
tions being made by the enemy that he 
intended to attack us. So we made 
arrangements to receive him as well as 
we possibly could. Springs were got 
on our cables, and the ship was perfectly 
prepared for action. 

^^I well remember the feelings of awe 
produced in me by the approach of the 
hostile ships. Even to my young mind 
it was perceptible in the faces of those 
around me, as clearly as possible, that 
our case was hopeless. It was equally 
apparent that all were ready to die at 
their guns rather than surrender, and 
such I believe to have been the deter- 
mination of the crew almost to a man. 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 25 
There had been so much bantering of 
each other between the men of the ships 
through the medium of letters and songs, 
with an invariable fight between the 
boats' crews when they met on shore, 
that a very hostile sentiment was engen- 
dered. Our flags were flying from every 
mast; and the enemy's vessels displayed 
their ensigns, jacks, and motto flags as 
they bore down grandly to the attack. 

^^At 3.54 P.M. they commenced fir- 
ing, the Fhcebe under our stern and the 
Cherub on our starboard bow. But 
the latter, finding out pretty soon that 
we had too many guns bearing on her, 
likewise ran under our stern. We suc- 
ceeded in getting three long guns out of 
the stern ports, and kept up as well- 
directed a fire as possible in such an 
unequal contest. 

^'In half an hour they were both 
compelled to haul off to repair dam- 
ages. During this period of the fight 
we had succeeded three times in getting 



26 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 

springs on our cables, but in each in- 
stance they were shot away as soon as 
they were hauled taut. Notwithstand- 
ing the incessant firing from both of the 
enemy's ships, we had so far suffered 
less than might have been expected, con- 
sidering that we could bring but three 
guns to oppose two broadsides. We had 
many men killed in the first five or ten 
minutes of their fire, before we could 
bring our stern guns to bear. 

^^The enemy soon repaired damages, 
and renewed the attack, both ships tak- 
ing positions on our larboard quarter, 
out of reach of our carronades and 
where the stern guns could not be 
brought to bear. They then kept up a 
most galling fire, which we were power- 
less to return. At this juncture the cap- 
tain ordered the cable to be cut j and, 
after many ineffectual attempts, we suc- 
ceeded in getting sail on the ship, hav- 
ing found that the flying-jib halyards 
were in condition to hoist that sail. It 



DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 27 
was the only serviceable rope that had 
not been shot away. By this means we 
were enabled to close with the enemy, 
and the firing now became fearful on 
both sides. 

^^The Cherub was compelled to 
haul out, and never came into close 
action again, though she lay off and 
used her long guns greatly to our dis- 
comfort, making a perfect target of us. 
The Fhcebey also, was enabled by the 
better condition of her sails to choose 
her own distance, suitable for her long 
guns, and kept up a most destructive 
fire on our helpless ship. 

^^ ^Finding,' as Captain Porter says, 
Hhe impossibility of closing with the 
Phcebej he determined to run his ship 
ashore and destroy her. We accord- 
ingly stood for the land ; but, when we 
were within half a mile of the bluffs, 
the wind suddenly shifted, took us flat 
aback, and paid our head off shore. We 
were thus again exposed to a galling fire 



28 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
from the Fhcehe. At this moment Cap- 
tain Downes of the Essex JunioVj came 
on board to receive his orders, being 
under the impression that our ship would 
be soon captured, as the enemy at that 
time were raking us, while we could not 
bring a gun to bear, and his vessel was 
in no condition to be of service to us. 

^^ Captain Porter now ordered a hawser 
to be bent on the anchor and let go. 
This brought our ship's head around, 
and we were in hopes the Phoebe would 
drift out of gunshot, as the sea was 
nearly calm ; but the hawser broke, and 
we were again at the mercy of the enemy. 
The ship was now reported to be on fire, 
and the men came rushing up from 
below, many with their clothes burning, 
which were torn from them as quickly as 
possible J and those for whom this could 
not be done were told to jump overboard, 
and quench the flames. Many of the 
crew, and even some of the officers, hear- 
ing the order to jump overboard, took it 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 29 
for granted that the fire had reached the 
magazine, and that the ship was about 
to blow up. So they leaped into the 
water, and attempted to reach the shore, 
about three-quarters of a mile distant, in 
which effort a number were drowned. 

^^The captain sent for the commis- 
sioned officers, to consult with them as 
to the propriety of further resistance, 
but first went below to ascertain the 
quantity of powder in the magazine. 
On his return to the deck he met Lieu- 
tenant McKnight, the only commissioned 
officer left on duty, all the others having 
been either killed or wounded. As it 
was pretty evident that the ship was in a 
sinking condition, it was determined to 
surrender, in order to save the wounded j 
and at 6.30 p.m. the painful order was 
given to haul down the colors. 

^^The loss of the Msex in this 
famous action was fifty-eight killed 
(including those who soon died), sixty- 
six wounded, and thirty-one missing. 



30 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Most of the missing were probably 
drowned. Captain Hillyar's official re- 
port acknowledged a loss of four killed 
and seven wounded on the Fhcebej and 
one killed and three wounded on the 
Cherub. The Phcehe received eigh- 
teen twelve-pound shots below the water 
line, and both the British ships were 
considerably cut up. It was estimated 
that they threw seven hundred eighteen- 
pound shots at the Essex, and that 
the latter fired each of her twelve long 
guns seventy-five times. The battle 
lasted two hours and a half, and was 
witnessed by thousands of people from 
the shore.'' 

With characteristic modesty Farragut 
has dwelt but little upon the part that 
he played in the action. He does not 
mention the fact that he was wounded, 
but the record shows that he received 
a slight wound in the height of the 
engagement. 

One small incident of the action shows 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 31 
what Captain Porter thought of the 
little midshipman, and how he depended 
upon him as upon a grown man. A 
quarter-gunner, named Eoach, was the 
Essex's only coward. He had de- 
serted his gun after the last spring had 
been shot away, and word was brought 
to Captain Porter on the quarter-deck. 
Turning to Farragut, the captain drew 
a pistol from his belt, and, extend- 
ing it, said, ^^Go below, Mr. Farragut, 
find this man, and do your duty.^' The 
midshipman did not flinch, but made 
his way down among the wounded, 
searching and inquiring everywhere for 
Eoach ; and, had he found him, it is safe 
to state that the quarter- gunner would 
have received his just deserts. How- 
ever, he could not be found. While he 
was searching in the hold, Farragut ran 
across another man crawling along by 
the aid of his arms alone, both legs 
being mangled below the knees. In his 
hands he carried a huge boarding pistol. 



32 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
His quest was the same as Farragut's. 
It was McCall, captain of the next gun 
to Eoach's. 

After the surrender^ Farragut was 
ordered with the other prisoners on 
board the Phoebe; and he had not been 
there an hour before he was fighting 
again. This time it was at fisticuffs with 
an English middy over the possession 
of the Essex's pet pig. It is satisfactory 
to record that both the fight and the 
pig were won by the little Yankee. 

'^After some delay, arrangements were 
made to turn the Essex Junior into a 
cartel. She was disarmed, and all hands 
were embarked on her for home. In 
due time they arrived off the shores of 
Long Island, where they were stopped 
by the British razee Saturn^ under the 
command of Captain Nash, and were de- 
tained. Porter, angry at the lack of 
respect shown to himself and to Captain 
Hillyar's parole, called away a boat, and 
succeeded on a foggy night in reaching 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 33 

the shores of Long Island. At last the 
Ussex Junior^ was allowed to proceed, 
but was stopped again by the frigate 
Narcissus^ which shows how complete a 
blockade the British had established 
along our coast. 

The next morning, the 7th of July, 
1814, the Essex Junior dropped her 
anchor in Kew York Harbor, and the 
officers and men set foot on their native 
land. 

^'Thus,^^ says Farragut, ^^ ended one 
of the most eventful cruises of my life.'' 



11. 

It must have been with great regret 
that^ in reporting this action, the Secre- 
tary of the Navy felt himself compelled 
to write, ^ '• Midshipman Farragut is too 
young for promotion." It would have 
seemed, indeed, rather preposterous to 
think of a lieutenant, five feet in height 
and but twelve years old, with a huge 
epaulet on his shoulder, dining in the 
ward- room with grown men and grizzled 
veterans, while boys of his own age, in 
roundabouts and tasselled caps, were 
playing at marbles and peg-tops on 
shore. So the little midshipman, still 
on parole, was taken to Chester by 
Captain Porter, and put to school again. 

On the 30th of November 1819, 
Farragut was officially notified of his 
exchange, and at the same time received 
orders to the biig Spark, Captain Thomas 
Gamble, then fitting out at New York. 
He was quartered on the sloop -of- war 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 35 

John Adams, then doing duty as a re- 
ceiving-ship ; and, before he could join 
his ship, peace was proclaimed between 
the United States and Great Britain. 

In April, 1815, he received orders 
to the Independence^ 74, Captain Bain- 
bridge, then lying at Boston and mak- 
ing preparations to sail with a squadron 
to the Mediterranean, as war had been 
declared by our government against 
Algiers. In company with the Co7i- 
gress and the Erie, the Independence 
sailed, but arrived too late to enable 
Farragut to see active service in the 
war. Commodore Decatur had already 
thrashed the pirates into submission, and 
had made peace. 

It is interesting to note that Midship- 
man Farragut served with the largest 
American fleet ever assembled in British 
waters — a fleet that, under the direc- 
tion of Commodore Bainbridge, had been 
brought to as great a state of perfection 
as was possible in the old sailing days. 



36 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Fleet sailing and the use of signals 
were Commodore Bainbridge's hobbies. 
There was plenty of time for the exer- 
cise of both. The names of the vessels 
under his command were as follows 
Independence, 74 5 Congress, 36 ; Erie, 22 
Macedonian, 36 ; Ontario, 22 ; Chippewa 
16 ; Boxer, 16 ; SparJc, 12 ; Epervier, 16 
Enterprise, 12 ; Flanibeau, 12 ; Torch, 12 
Firefly, 14 ; Spitfire, 12 ; and Lynx S, — 
15 vessels, 320 guns. Six of the fleet 
had been captured from the British or 
were named after prizes. 

After Farragut's return to America in 
the fall, everything went smoothly and 
evenly for a year or two. He made 
three other cruises of considerable in- 
terest to him, but of little moment other- 
wise ; and in the spring of 1819 he was 
once more in the Mediterranean in 
the frigate FranTdin and was appointed 
from her to be the acting lieutenant 
of the brig SharJc. In referring to 
this promotion, which took place while 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 37 
he was yet very young, Farragut writes : 
^^One of the important events of my life 
was obtaining an acting lieutenancy 
when but little over eighten years of 
age. This caused me to feel that I was 
now associated with men, on an equality, 
and must act with more circumspection. 
When I became first lieutenant, my 
duties were still more important j for, in 
truth, I was really commander of the 
vessel, and yet I was not responsible — 
an anomalous position, which has spoiled 
some of our best ofi&cers. I consider it 
a great advantage to obtain command 
young, having observed, as a general 
thing, that persons who come into author- 
ity late in life shrink from responsibility, 
and often break down under its weight. ' ' 
In 1822 Farragut was ordered to sea 
in the sloop-of-war, John AdamSj and 
during the ensuing cruise he gained a 
knowledge of the Gulf of Mexico and of 
the treacherous Gulf Coast that proved 
of infinite value in after years. 



38 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Early in the following year the 
young sailor was again outward bound 
on a cruise that proved one of stirring 
adventure and unusual hardship. He 
was assigned as lieutenant to the schooner 
Greyhoundj one of the vessels of the 
mosquito fleet sent out to break up 
piracy in the West Indian seas. About 
the last of August, 1823, Farragut sailed 
back to the United States. The mis- 
sion of the mosquito fleet had been ac- 
complished. 

On the 24th of September, 1823, David 
Glasgow Farragut married Susan C. 
Marchant, of Norfolk, Va. His wife, who 
was a very beautiful and accomplished 
woman, shortly afterward became a con- 
firmed invalid. But during her lifetime 
she had from her husband all the devo- 
tion and care of a great heart and soul. 
In all his relations with her for sixteen 
years he showed the full measure of the 
tenderness which was characteristic of 
his domestic life in general. 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 39 
In August, 1825, Farragut was com- 
missioned first lieutenant, and was as- 
signed to the frigate Brandywiney 
which had been designated to convey 
the Marquis de Lafayette back to 
France. For a dozen years or more 
from this time Farragut' s life was that 
of the ordinary naval officer in time of 
peace, with the exception that by his 
constant and thorough application to 
detail he was gradually fitting himself 
for the first place in his profession. It 
was of course to his advantage that in 
1838 he had the opportunity of wit- 
nessing the attack and capture of San 
Juan d'TJUoa by the French fleet under 
Admiral Baudin. In 1841 he was ap- 
pointed executive officer of the line-of- 
battle-ship Delaicare, and on the 27th of 
September he received his commission as 
commander. His first command by right 
of rank was the Decatur^ then on the 
South American coast, whence he re- 
turned to Norfolk in February, 1843. 



40 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 
On the 26th of December of the same 
year, only a day less than three years 
after the death of his first wife, Com- 
mander Farragut married Miss Virginia 
Loyall, like Miss Marchant a lady of 
Norfolk. The issue of this marriage 
was one son, who is now living in New 
York. 

Upon the breaking out of our war 
with Mexico, Farragut obtained, al- 
though with great difficulty, the com- 
mand of • the sloop-of-war Saratogay 
and as promptly as was possible repaired 
to the scene of action. But he arrived 
there just too late, for Vera Cruz had 
surrendered to General Scott. Of all 
the service Farragut had seen in the 
navy, this cruise was the most mortify- 
ing. It amounted to nothing in the 
way of fighting j and it resulted in 
very unpleasant relations with his com- 
manding officer and with the depart- 
ment, although Farragut was completely 
iustified in the end. 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 41 

It was not until 1851 that Farragut 
received his commission as captain. 
During his forty- one years of service 
in the navy he had sailed in almost 
every sea, and so improved his oppor- 
tunities that not only was he one of 
the best officers on the navy list, so far 
as seamanship went, but he had also 
gained that general knowledge that 
comes to a close observer, and by 
study and application had become a 
proficient linguist. 

Soon came the troublesome times that 
preceded the outbreak of the hostilities 
between the North and the South. Far- 
ragut had always claimed to be a South- 
erner. He was born in Tennessee, his 
early boyhood had been spent in Louis- 
iana ; and, having married in the South 
and hailing from Norfolk, it was ex- 
pected that he would cast his lot with 
those who left the regular service and 
adhered to the fortunes of the Confed- 
eracy. 



42 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Many officers who had been supported 
in the service, and who had fought be- 
neath the old flag disowned their alle- 
giance to both, and tendered their 
swords to the cause of secession. But 
Farragut, beyond all doubt, thought of 
the time when he had stood on the quar- 
ter-deck of the Ussex. The flag that 
flew from her peak was the only one he 
knew and recognized. The navy was his 
home. He had no near kinspeople in 
Virginia, it is true ; but, even if he 
had, he would have resisted all induce- 
ments and temptations to turn against 
his country. 

As he was living at Norfolk, and yet 
made no concealment of his views upon 
secession, he soon found that not only 
were his friends falling away from him, 
but that it would soon be unsafe for him 
to continue living in the neighborhood, 
and there openly to speak his mind. 
^^Very well," he said, ^^I will go 
where I can live with such sentiments," 



DAYID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 43 

and lie hastened his preparations for 
departure. 

Soon after the fall of Fort Sumter 
came the conspiracy to seize the Nor- 
folk Navy Yard. The struggle was 
on, and the direful future was full 
before the nation. The day before the 
burning of the navy yard, which took 
place on the 19th of April, 1861, Far- 
ragut started northward. He stopped 
at "Washington, but the government was 
in a bewildered condition. Those were 
the blank days of uncertainty and hesi- 
tation. No one knew which way a friend 
might turn. The authorities were at 
their wits' ends. Those who were eager 
to take the field of action at once, found 
that there was no place ready for them. 
Farragut was one of these. He was un- 
attached and assigned to no command; 
and so he moved to New York City, and 
thence to Tarrytown on the Hudson. 

The battle of Bull Eun opened the 
eyes of the Washington administration 



44 DAYID GLASGOW FABEAGUT 
to the enormous extent of the task be- 
fore them. The country had accepted 
the fact that it was plunged into civil 
war. 

No longer was it to be an affair of 
months. Delays but increased the un- 
certainty, and determined action was 
needed. The West Gulf Blockading 
Squadron was organized to co-operate 
with the land forces that had been 
placed in command of Major-general 
Butler. It was a fortunate chance, or 
it may have been a God- directed guid- 
ance, that settled upon David Glasgow 
Farragut to head the expedition. Por- 
ter, his foster-brother, the son of his 
old guardian, had been chosen to take 
charge of the attached flotilla of twenty 
bomb-schooners J but it was not until 
the 20th of January, 1862, that he re- 
ceived his final orders. On the 3d of 
the following month, on the flagship 
Hartford, he set sail from Hampton 
Eoads, and in seventeen days he ar- 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 45 
rived at tlie place of rendezvous at 
Ship Island in the Gulf of Mexico. 

Never before this time had any Ameri- 
can naval commander the same task 
placed before him. It was not a siege 
that he was expected to lay against the 
coast-board cities, or a blockade of the 
ports of entry ; nor was it expected that 
he would have to meet vessels in combat 
on the deep. His orders were to reduce 
and capture New Orleans. But, owing 
to the unprepared state of the Union 
forces, and the hesitation and difficulty 
experienced by the administration, the 
Confederates had found time to construct 
heavy batteries, besides forts that com- 
manded the narrow reaches of the 
river. Every site of importance was 
guarded by armed men and guns. It 
is an old adage that one gun well 
mounted and protected on shore will 
offset the value of a ship^s whole broad- 
side, and nothing that took place in 
our recent war with Spain has proved 



46 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

to the contrary. The gunners on land 
have a stable platform. They can choose 
their time and mark well their distance. 
The gun itself must be dismounted or 
destroyed before the efficiency of the 
battery is affected. With a ship, espe- 
cially a wooden ship, it was a different 
matter. One lucky shot might put her 
out of action. She was a large target, 
comparatively speaking ; and her men 
were protected by bulwarks that could 
be pierced through pjid through by 
heavy ordnance. 

When the expedition set sail, its desti- 
nation was a secret ; but it was not kept 
so long. Soon the whole North knew of 
the matter, and at first there was much 
complaint of the delays which the fleet 
encountered before entering the Missis- 
sippi. 

The upper portions of the river were 
held by Commodore, afterward Eear- 
Admiral, Foote. He had large forces of 
river- boats, makeshift ironclads, and 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 47 
other converted craft, mounting guns 
of all kinds and calibres. But Farragut 
commanded a fleet composed of as fine 
vessels as were in existence in those 
days. Six steam frigates, sixteen gun- 
boats, twenty-one mortar- vessels, and 
five smaller craft at last lay anchored 
off the shallow bar that guarded the 
entrance to the river. 

The great steam frigate Colorado^ 
under the command of Captain Bailey, 
drew too much water to cross the bar ; 
and Farragut, in making out his plans, 
was reluctantly comj^elled to leave her 
behind him. It was with difficulty 
that the Mississippi and Fensacola were 
forced across, and even the Hmiford 
had but little margin to spare. Every 
detail of this preliminary work was 
supervised by the Flag Officer himself. 
Nothing was too slight to escape his 
notice. As dash and daring won the 
way for him in many cases afterward, 
precision, care, and painstaking atten- 
tion served him at the start. 



48 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

At last, to his great satisfaction, all 
the vessels crossed over and anchored 
at the head of the Pass a L' Outre 
and the South-west Pass. Before them 
on both sides of the river the Con- 
federate batteries showed plainly. 

The first gun was fired on the 16th 
of March, and a heavy but rather in- 
effective cannonade was kept up dur- 
ing most of the day. It had been 
brought to the ears of the Flag Officer 
that the Confederates intended to set 
free fire-rafts to drift with the cur- 
rent down ui)on the Northern ships. 
About eleven o'clock on the 16th one 
was sighted, drifting slowly down, a 
mass of flame and smoke ; but the only 
effect was to cause some of the vessels 
of the bombarding fleet to change their 
anchorage. Fortunately, the blazing 
mass held to the middle of the stream, 
and passed safely through the squadron. 
In order to be prepared against another 
such attack, Farragut had all the row- 



DAVID GLASGOAV FAEEAGUT 49 
boats of the fleet (over one hundred 
and fifty) supplied with grapples, rope, 
and buckets ; and a systematic plan was 
made to dispose of any other fire-ship 
that should put in an appearance. That 
very night another one was sighted, 
even larger than the first. The steamer 
Westfield was signalled, and in obe- 
dience set out, and with full head of 
steam crashed bows on into the burn- 
ing mass. At the same time the row- 
boats approached it, and, managing to 
get some lines on board, towed it ashore, 
where it burned away merrily, lighting 
the sky until early in the morning. 

One of Farragut's mottoes was that 
^^men trained to arms will always do 
their duty if ably led," and on this 
principle he acted during his whole 
career. No one ever flinched in fol- 
lowing him. 

For a week the bombardment was 
kept up steadily ; but, though the gun- 
ners of the forts were often driven from 



50 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
their guns, the works were not reduced. 
One thing that marked the great com- 
mander was the fact that, despite his 
assertion of individual authority, he was, 
unlike other leaders of whom history 
tells, open to suggestions from those who 
served under him ; and, when it was rep- 
resented that supplies and ammunition 
would soon run short, a council of war 
was called on board the flagship. At 
the end of the conference orders were 
issued, the gist of which is contained in 
the following extract : — 

^^The Flag Ofiicer, having heard all of 
the opinions expressed by the different 
commanders, is of the opinion whatever 
is to be done will have to be done 
quickly. . . . When, in the opinion of 
the Flag Officer, the propitious time 
has arrived, the signal will be made to 
weigh, and advance to the conflict. . . . 
He will make the signal for close action, 
No. 8, and abide the result, — conquer or 
be conquered.'^ 



DAVID GLASGOW FARKAGUT 51 
His orders were to get to 'New Orleans, 
and he had determined to carry them 
out. Every device was employed during 
the following days to render the chances 
of success more favorable. Cables were 
slung over the sides of the vessels to 
protect their vulnerable parts, sand-bags, 
coal, hammocks, and splinter nettings 
were spread and rigged, and, as it was 
known that the attempt to run the forts 
would be made at night, no lights were 
to be allowed. Decks and gun-breeches 
were whitewashed, to make them more 
visible in the darkness. The orders is- 
sued at this time from the flagship took 
care of every little detail of the ad- 
vance. [N'othing seems to have been 
forgotten. The orders concluded with 
the following weighty sentence: ^^I 
shall expect the most prompt attention 
to signals and verbal orders either from 
myself or the captain of the fleet, who, 
it will be understood in all cases, acts 
by my authority." 



52 DAYID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 
The chain that weeks previously had 
been thrown across the river had been 
cut on the 24th of April. The 26th was 
the night appointed for the attempt; 
and two o'clock in the morning was the 
hour at which the signals flashed and 
were answered, the anchors weighed, and 
the vessels formed in line. 

The attack was ordered to be made in 
three divisions. The first, led by Cap- 
tain Bailey in the Cayuga, was further 
composed of the Fensacola, Mississippi, 
Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, and 
WissahicJcon ; the second, led by Farra- 
gut in the Sartford, of the Brooklyn and 
Richmond; the third, led by Captain 
Bell, of the Scioto, Iroquois, Kennebec, 
Finola, Itasca, and Winona. The latter 
was to engage Fort Jackson, and the 
former St. Philip. Porter, with the 
Harriet Lane, Westfield, Owasco, Miami, 
Clifton, and Jackson, was to take up a 
position where he could pour in an 
enfilading fire while the fleet was passing 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 53 
the forts. The fleet had hardly formed 
into line, when the enemy was aware of 
the movement, and signal lights flashed 
along the batteries. 

The Cayuga, leading the first divi- 
sion, steamed silently up the river. 
Both shores became darting sheets of 
flame as the Confederate batteries 
opened with all their strength. The 
heavy guns of the fleet were now 
replying. 

]^ever before had such furious cannon- 
ading taken place. Never before had 
such a weight of metal been exchanged 
in any conflict. All at once down the 
river came a blazing fire-ship, pushed 
forward by the rebel ram Manassas, 
Straight it bore for the Hartford! In 
order to avoid a collision, Farragut 
sheered off, and found himself aground 
immediately. Before he could work off 
the bank, the fire-ship was upon him. 
It seemed all up with the Hartford; 
and, in truth, nothing but strict disci- 



54 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
pline saved her, for not a man left his 
post. The hose was manned, and streams 
of water turned on the flames that 
leaped up from the frigate's sides and 
flaunted in the rigging. Soon the 
powerful engines backed her off, but 
she was all ablaze. !N'evertheless, the 
gunners of the starboard battery kept 
replying to the forts. The men detailed 
to fight the flames kept busily at work, 
and the fire was at last extinguished. 
Once more Farragut led his column up 
the river. 

The Confederate fleet, composed of 
thirteen gunboats and two ironclad 
rams, made a formidable foe. But this 
naval action was something for which 
the men and officers had long been 
trained ; and one vessel of the fleet, the 
Yarunay commanded by Commander 
Boggs, sank two of the enemy before 
she in turn was sunk. 

At last, as day dawned, Farragut 
found himself above the forts; and he 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 55 

counted fourteen out of the seventeen 
vessels that had started some hours be- 
fore. The Itascay the Kennebec, and 
Winona had been so mauled and con- 
fused that they were forced to turn 
back, and, as day came on, to return 
down the river. The Kineo, which had 
been in collision with the BrooUyii, 
and had twelve shot in her hull be- 
sides, had managed to fight her way 
through. The SaHford, Cayuga, and 
the Yaruna had encountered the great- 
est dangers. 

It seemed almost a miracle that so 
many vessels had managed to survive 
the awful storm of shot and shell that 
had been poured into them. 

The day dawned warm and beautiful. 
Below, the stars and bars still floated 
above the forts ; but they were harmless 
now, and out of range. Their useful- 
ness in protecting the city was gone. 
They were no longer to be considered. 

The seventeen vessels of the enemy 



56 DAYID GLASGOAY FAREAGUT 
were all either wrecked or captured. 
In the ^N'orthern fleet the casualties 
amounted to one hundred and seventy- 
one. The loss of the enemy has never 
been stated. 

Announcing his success in a letter to 
Porter, who was still below the batter- 
ies with the bomb- vessels, Farragut em- 
ployed the following sentence, which is 
typical of the man. The bearer of the 
despatch was Captain Boggs, who, owing 
to the loss of his vessel, was now without 
command. He made his way in an open 
boat through the bayou, and reached 
Porter safely. Said the Flag Of&cer 
tersely, ^^We have had a rough time of 
it, as Boggs will tell you." 

Before the fleet was able to come 
peacefully to anchor off the city, there 
was a small action with some batter- 
ies farther up the river at English- 
town ; but these Farragut succeeded in 
silencing without delay. 

Afterward, in writing of his ex- 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 57 
perience during the passage of the lower 
forts, Farragut said: ^^ Captain Wain- 
wright and myself were hallooing our- 
selves hoarse at the men not to fire into 
our own ships. It was one of the most 
awful sights and events that I ever 
saw or experienced. The smoke was 
so dense that only now and then could 
you see the flash of the cannon, the fire- 
ships and rafts." 

General Lovell, the Confederate com- 
mander of the land forces, had seen best 
to withdraw his troops from the city 
as soon as the fleet hove in sight ; and 
he turned the government over once 
more to the former mayor, Monroe, who 
seems from all accounts to have been 
a very self-important personage, with a 
great sense of what is termed the '^high- 
falutin. ' ' From him Farragut demanded 
the surrender of the city. The message 
was borne to the mayor by two officers, 
Captain Bailey and Lieutenant Perkins, 
who pushed their way afoot through the 



58 DAYID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
angry mob, alone and unprotected. At 
every step threats were made against 
their lives. Farragut insisted that the 
stars and stripes should be displayed 
on the public buildings, that by noon 
of the following day it should appear 
on the City Hall, the Mint, and the 
Custom-house. The mayor's reply to 
this demand was a long-winded rigma- 
role, which, in the light of the circum- 
stances and succeeding events, was most 
amusing. He condescended to pity Far- 
ragut for the thought that such a thing 
wiis possible. • ^^Let me tell you,'' he 
wrote, ^Hhat the man lives not in our 
midst whose hand and heart would not 
be paralyzed at the mere thought of 
such an act, nor could I find in my 
entire constituency so wretched and 
desperate a renegade as would dare 
to profane with his hand this sacred 
emblem of our aspirations." Perhaps 
David Glasgow Farragut smiled, when 
he read this composition. At all events, 



DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 59 
he did not waste time over the matter ; 
for he immediately returned the follow- 
ing reply : — 

** United States Flagship 'Hartford,* 
"At anchor off the City of New Orleans, 

"April 28, 1862. 

^^8i7^j — Your communication of the 
26th instant has been received, together 
with that of the city council. I deeply 
regret to see ... a determination . . . 
not to haul it [the State flag] down. 
Moreover, when my officers and men 
were sent on shore to communicate with 
the authorities and to hoist the United 
States flag on the Custom-house, they 
were insulted in the grossest manner ; 
and the flag which had been hoisted by 
my orders on the Mint was pulled down 
and dragged through the streets. All 
of which goes to show that the fire of 
this fleet may be drawn upon the city 
at any moment, . . . and an amount of 
distress ensue to the innocent population 



60 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
which I have heretofore endeavored to 
assure you that I desired by all means 
to avoid. The election is, therefore, with 
you ; but it becomes my duty to notify 
you to remove the women and children 
from the city within forty-eight hours, 
if I have rightly understood your deter- 
mination. Very respectfully, 
^ ^ Your obedient servant, 
''D. G. Fareagut, 

^^ Flag Officer^ Western Gulf Squadron.** 

♦♦Hia Honor the Mayor and City Council 
OF THE City of New Orleans." 



The individuality of the men crops 
out most strongly in their correspond- 
ence, and there can be no better insight 
into Farragut's heart than that to be 
obtained by a perusal of his letters and 
reports. Two days before he wrote to 
the mayor, the following general order 
had been sent out to the squadron : — 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 61 

** United States Flagship ' Hartfobd,' 
"Off the City of New Orleans, April 26, 1862. 

^^ General Order.'' 

^^ Eleven o'clock this morning is the 
hour appointed for all the officers and 
crews of the fleet to return thanks to 
Almighty God for his great goodness 
and mercy in permitting us to pass 
through the events of the last two days 
with so little loss of life and blood. At 
that hour the church pennant will be 
hoisted on every vessel of the fleet, and 
their crews assembled will in humilia- 
tion and prayer make their acknowledg- 
ments therefor to the Great Dispenser of 
all human events. 

^^D. G. Farragut, 

'■''Flag Officer^ Western Gulf Blockading 
Squadron.^* 

Not wishing to waste time by further 
parleying with Mayor Monroe, Farragut 
ordered Captain Morris of the marines 



62 DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 
to take a small party ashore, and hoist 
the flag on the Mint. He did so, and left 
it flying without a guard, warning the 
angry spectators that the guns of the 
Pensacola would reply to any effort to 
displace it. 

Shortly afterward the Flag Officer 
turned the control of New Orleans 
over to General Butler. There were 
plenty of fields for action further up 
the river. Yicksburg still commanded 
the channel, and prevented a junction 
with Foote. 

One of the remarkable things that had 
been brought to light during the battle 
for the possession of the river was the 
fact that for the first time in modern 
warfare ramming tactics were employed. 
Farragut created a new departure when 
he gave orders for ramming the enemy's 
ironclads — formidable vessels, hastily 
constructed though they were — with the 
wooden prows of his own steamers. He 
speaks thus of these extemporized instru- 



DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT G3 
lueiits of offence, first employed by the 
rebels. ^^ These rams are formidable 
things J but, when there is room to ma- 
noeuvre, the heavy ships will run over 
them.^^ Then, referring to the affair of 
the Merrimac that had hajipened some 
time before, he adds, ^^The difficulty 
at Hampton Eoads was that the ships 
were all at anchor and near shoal water. ^^ 

One can imagine the breathless expec- 
tation with which the onlookers saw the 
old frigate Mississippi bearing down full 
speed on the Hollins ram Manassas. It 
may have been fortunate for the wooden 
frigate that the ram avoided her on- 
slaught ; and even Farragut writes of his 
great relief at seeing the Manassas drift 
by, a little later in the engagement, on 
fire from her own engines. 

Farragut was now in his own country, 
— Louisiana, — familiar to him from the 
recollections of his boyhood ; and of his 
feelings when he appeared there as the 
conqueror of his own people he writes 



64 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
as follows : ^^ It is a strange thought that 
I am here among my relatives, and yet 
not one has dared to say, ' I am happy 
to see you.^ There is a reign of terror 
in this doomed city ; but, although I am 
abused as one who wished to kill all the 
women and children, I still see a feeling 
of respect for me.'' 

After Butler had taken possession of 
the city, Farragut advanced up the river 
with his fleet. Baton Eouge was still 
unsubmissive. Its capture was impor- 
tant. So Captain Palmer was sent to 
demand the surrender of the city from 
the mayor. But, while negotiations were 
pending, Farragut himself put in an 
appearance, and took possession without 
more talk ; and Palmer then went on 
up to Natchez under orders to take the 
place at once, while S. P. Lee pro- 
ceeded to Vicksburg on the same mis- 
sion. Antry, the Confederate leader 
then in command of the latter place, 
replied that the Mississippians did not 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 65 
know how to surrender, and, if Farragut 
would teach them, he might come and 
try. 

From the banks of the river, pro- 
tected under the levees, the Confederates 
shielded themselves, and inflicted a con- 
stant annoyance upon the fleet by means 
of an irritating and deadly sharp-shoot- 
ing and isolated firing, making use of 
every advantage of the natural intrench - 
ment to pick off men and officers on 
board the ships. This caused Farragut 
to write the following letter to General 
Lovell, in reply to the accusation that 
lie had employed his guns upon defence- 
less women and children : — 

"United States Elagship 'Hartford,' 
"Baton Rouge, June 17, 18C2. 

''Sir, — I have to acknowledge the 
receipt of your communication of the 
12th inst., together with its enclosure, 
in which you are pleased to say that 
vengeance will be visited upon the wo- 



66 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
men and children of Eodney if our 
ressels are fired upon from the town. 
Although I find no such language con- 
tained in the letter of Lieutenant Com- 
manding Mchols, or even any from 
which such inference might be drawn, 
still I shall meet your general remark 
on your own terms. You say you locate 
your batteries at such points on the river 
as are deemed best suited, etc., without 
reference to the people of the towns, 
and claim no immunity for your troops. 
Now, therefore, the violation is with 
you. You choose your own time and 
place for the attack upon our defence- 
less people, and should therefore see 
that the innocent and defenceless of your 
own people are out of the way before 
you make the attack ; for rest assured 
that the fire will be returned, and we will 
not hold ourselves answerable for the 
death of the innocent. If we have ever 
fired upon your ^ women and children,^ 
it was done here at Baton Eouge, when 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 67 

an attempt was made to kill one of our 
officers landing in a small boat, manned 
with four boys. They were, in the act 
of landing, mostly wounded by the fire 
of some thirty or forty horsemen, who 
chivalrously galloped out of the town, 
leaving the women and children to bear 
the brunt of our vengeance. At Grand 
Gulf, also, our transports were fired upon 
in passing, which caused the place to be 
shelled, with what effect I know not ; 
but I do know that the fate of a town 
is at all times in the hands of the mili- 
tary commandant, who may at pleasure 
draw the enemy's fire upon it, and the 
community is made to suffer for the act 
of its military. 

^^The only instance I have known 
where the language of your letter could 
possibly apply took place at New Or- 
leans on the day we passed up in front 
of the city, while it was still in your 
possession, by your soldiers firing on the 
crowd. I trust, however, that the time 



6S DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
is past when women and children will 
be subjected by their military men to 
the horrors of war. It is enough for 
them to be subjected to the incidental in- 
conveniences, privations, and sufferings. 
'^If any such things have occurred as 
the slaying of women and children or 
innocent people, I feel well assured that 
it was caused by the act of your mili- 
tary, and much against the will of our 
officers ; for, as Lieutenant Commanding 
Nichols informs the mayor, we war not 
against defenceless persons, but against 
those in open rebellion against our 
country, and desire to limit our punish- 
ment to them, though it may not always 
be in our power to do so. 

^ ^ Yery respectfully, 

^^ Your obedient servant, 
^^D. G. Farragut, 

" Flag Officer, Commanding West- 
*^ern Gulf Blockading Squadron. 

** Major-gen'l. Mansfield Lovell, Command- 
^^ing Confederate troops, Jackson, Miss." 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 69 
Farragut was now below Yicksburg, 
but his future movements were uncer- 
tain. He was confronted with more 
difficulties and threatened with more 
dangers than any naval commander 
before or since. The powers at Wash- 
ington were apparently in doubt as to 
whether they should command him to 
proceed up the river and pass the city 
or to go down again to the open waters 
of the Gulf, and the opinions of his own 
officers were about in the same divided 
condition. 

As we look back upon the state of 
mind of the great commander at this 
time, we not only marvel that he man- 
aged to maintain his health and strength 
under the strain and worry, but we see 
that his foresight and prophecy were 
ever clear and coherent. 

Above the city and away up the Miss- 
issippi lay the specially constructed fleet 
of gunboats, under the command of 
Davis and of Foote, — vessels that had 



70 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
been built to navigate in shallow waters 
and to cross the shifting bars. They 
drew but from six to eight feet of water, 
while the sea-going craft under Far- 
ragut drew from ten to sixteen feet. 
With their tall spars and great topsides, 
the latter must have looked strangely 
out of place, as they lay at anchor be- 
tween the wooded banks. Ko vessels of 
their kind had ever been so far from the 
Delta; and the country people would 
flock to the shores to watch them, and 
occasionally, if they possessed an old 
musket or long- barrelled rifle, they 
would amuse themselves by taking pot- 
shots at any head that might appear 
above the bulwarks. The vessels were 
constantly running aground ; and Far- 
ragut makes in a letter the following 
pithy statement: ^'It is a sad thing to 
think of leaving your ship on a mud- 
bank five hundred miles from the nat- 
ural element of a sailor.'' 
The river was falling, it was hard to 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 71 
keep the vessels coaled and provisioned, 
and the uncertainty of a junction with 
the land forces and the conflicting 
orders from Washington were enough to 
send a man demented to his grave ; but 
Farragut knew what he could accom- 
plish, although apparently he stood 
alone. 

If it was necessary to pass the city of 
Vicksburg, he perceived that the at- 
tempt should be made at once. Why it 
should have been considered necessary 
at this juncture, we cannot now, looking 
at it in the light of subsequent events, see. 
It was impossible to maintain the con- 
trol of the river, at any important 
point, without land forces. Troops were 
needed successfully to reduce a city. 
Those on the transports, few in number, 
that accompanied him, could find but 
little foot-hold on the low flooded shores ; 
and, as they were always forced to ap- 
proach the enemy on his best guarded 
front, co-operation with the army was 
essential. 



72 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Up to this time another difficulty, 
from an entirely different source, had 
harassed the river squadron 5 and, odd 
to relate, it was something hundreds and 
hundreds of miles away, — it was the 
Merrimac. The fear of that one 
ironclad had seemed to divert the at- 
tention of the whole navy department to 
Hampton Eoads j and the disaster that 
might follow the further success of the 
rebel monster drew every official mind. 
The whole seaboard was in a frightened 
condition. People were ready to believe 
that the Merrimac might at any time 
steam past Sandy Hook and reduce the 
city of New York. Even Boston was 
in a perturbation. When the little 
monitor had succeeded in driving her 
huge adversary back to the shelter of 
the land, this feeling had not abated j 
and it was not until the authentic news 
came that the famous ironclad had been 
destroyed that the country at large 
breathed easy. No one felt this relief 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 73 

more than did Farragut, when he wrote : 
'^It was well that the Merrimac was 
blown up, for I never would have had 
another vessel. Everything was seized 
for Hampton Eoads, to look after the 
Merrimac, Thank God, she is gone ! 
I hope now that they will send us a 
monitor. She would keep the river 
clear, and save thousands of lives, as 
well as the navy, which the river will 
use up." 

When the orders came at last for 
clearing the river, Farragut was hot 
for starting at once ; but his officers de- 
murred. '^My officers oppose my run- 
ning by Vicksburg as impracticable," 
said he. ^^Only one supports me, so I 
must give up for the present. In ten 
days they will be of my opinion, and 
then the difficulties will be much greater 
than they are now.'^ It turned out ex- 
actly as he said. 

All sorts of reports were abroad 
about him, — statements that he had 



74 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
been wounded, that lie had lost both 
his legs, that he was ill with brain fever ; 
and the gossips at Washington were in- 
dulging in all sorts of conjectures. But 
his splendid constitution had enabled 
him to live through enough to have 
killed men of tenderer fibre. 

He was taking excellent care of the old 
Sartfordj — ^Hhe hen'' as he called 
her, of his ^4ittle flock of chickens.'' 
While he was at Warrenton, a few miles 
below Yicksburg, waiting for the mortar 
boats and gunboats to get into position, 
he wrote the following letter : ^^ Here we 
are once more in front of Yicksburg, by 
a peremptory order of the department 
and the President of the United States, 
^to clear the river through.' With 
God's assistance, I intend to try it as 
soon as the mortars are ready, which 
will be in an hour or two. The work 
is rough. Their batteries are beyond 
our reach on the heights. It must be 
done in the daytime, as the river is too 



DAYID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 75 
difficult to navigate by night. I trust 
that God will smile upon our efforts, as 
he has done before. I think more should 
have been left to my discretion ; but I 
hope for the best, and pray God to pro- 
tect our poor sailors from harm.'^ 

The plan of attack and general orders 
were issued on the 25th. Porter was 
ordered up with his flotilla to shell the 
heights. But it was not until the 28th 
that the gunboats were ready and the 
mortar- vessels armed with sufficient am- 
munition and in proper position. The 
guns at Vicksburg were known to be 
powerful and well placed. Farragut 
intended to test them without more 
ado. On the 28th of June, at four 
o^ clock in the morning, the Iroquois, the 
Oneida, the Bichmond, the Wissahickon, 
the Scioto, the Hartford, the Winona, the 
Finola, the Brooklyn, and the Kennebec 
came up into range of the rebel fire 
in the order named. The Iroquois fired 
the first shot as the column moved up 



76 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

stream, the Bidhmondj Hartford^ and 
Brooklyii on the right forming the star- 
board column close under the batteries. 
At times, apparently, all the Confed- 
erate guns were directed on the flag- 
ship Hartford, as she moved with just 
sufficient speed to give her steerage 
way. As she drew near, she opened a 
frightful fire from her starboard broad- 
side. I'he ground was high and the 
gunners on the bluffs had excellent pro- 
tection. The whole ridge broke into 
flame. At the slowest possible speed the 
ships went on ] and of this anxious mo- 
ment, when opposite the city, feeling the 
full concussion of the cannonade, Far- 
ragut wrote that very morning: ^^The 
Hartford fired slowly and deliberately 
and with fine effect, far surpassing my 
expectations in reaching the summit bat- 
teries. The rebels were soon silenced by 
the combined efforts of the fleet and the 
flotilla, and at times did not reply at all. 
For several minutes I passed up at the 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 77 
slowest speed, and even stopped once, 
in order that the BrooUyn and the 
sternmost vessels might close up.'' 
Every vessel succeeded in running the 
bend and joining Davis's fleet with the 
exception of the BrooUyn, Katahdin, 
and Kennebec, who failed to pass owing 
to a misunderstanding of the general 
orders. That night, in his cabin, Far- 
ragut concluded the lett^er he had begun 
before the action. 

"Above Vicksburg, June 29. 

^^My last sheet was closed as a letter 
for my wife and boy, in the event of 
any accident happening to me in the 
fight which I knew was to come off in 
a few hours. 

^^ There were difficulties in the way, 
and the mortars did not get their fuses 
right until it was too late for us to 
move against the town that evening. 
So I postponed it until the morning of 
the 27th. We were under way by two 



78 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
A.M., and off Yicksburg by daylight. 
The scene soon became animated, as both 
parties were doing their best to destroy 
each other. 

^^We had no difficulty in driving 
them from their guns ; but the batteries 
were so elevated that the gunners could 
lie down until we had poured in a broad- 
side, and then run to their guns and 
reopen fire as each ship passed. They 
kept it up pretty well, though we fort- 
unately received little injury. Occa- 
sionally a vessel was struck by a large 
shot. Wain Wright^ s cabin was well cut 
to pieces, but we lost but one man 
killed and eleven wounded. 

^^I was in my favorite stand, the 
mizzen rigging, when all at once the 
captain of the gun on the poop-deck 
wished to fire at a battery which would 
require him to point his gun near me, 
and requested me to get down, which I 
did, to avoid the concussion. I was only 
a moment in doing so, when the whole 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 79 

inizzen rigging was cut away just above 
my head ! Although the shot would 
not have struck me, I would have 
tumbled on deck. But, thank God, I 
escaped with only a touch on the head, 
which did not break the skin, and has 
not given me a thought since. This 
same shot cut the halyards that hoisted 
my flag, which dropped to half-mast 
without being perceived by us. This 
circumstance caused the other vessels 
to think that I was killed. 

^^ It seems to me that any man of com- 
mon sense would know that this place 
cannot be taken by ships, when the 
army in its rear consists of ten thousand 
or fifteen thousand men, and they don^t 
care about sacrificing the city. We did 
not attempt particularly to destroy the 
city. It was more important to fire at 
the batteries. The soldiers have no in- 
terest in preserving it, as they know it 
is only a matter of time for it to fall 
into our hands. As soon as General Hal- 



80 DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 

leek sends the soldiers to occupy it by 
land, we will drive tlieni out of the forts. 

^^ To-day is Sunday, and we had 
prayers at eleven o'clock. I signalled 
the fleet to return thanks to Almighty 
God for his mercies. '^ 

On July 1, Commodore Charles H. 
Davis came down the river from Mem- 
phis, and the Mississippi flotilla at last 
joined the Gulf fleet. 

Farragut had already reported to the 
government at Washington that the 
forts could be passed, and had proved 
that he could do it ; but he also urged 
the necessity of attacking from the rear, 
before Yicksburg could be taken. At 
last, to his great delight, he received an 
order, dated May 22, from Gideon Welles, 
Secretary of the Navy, which ordered 
him to send the mortar batteries in ad- 
vance, and to proceed to the reduction 
of Mobile. In answering this, Farragut 
represented that the mortar- vessels, un- 
less protected by strong armed guards, 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 81 
were practically at the mercy of the 
rebel rams. One of the latter was even 
then blockaded in the Yazoo Eiver. 
This was the Arkansas, She was not 
blockaded long, however; for on the 15th 
of July, before daylight, she dashed out 
of the river, and ran the gauntlet of the 
vessels of both squadrons, and anchored 
safely under the guns of Yicksburg. 
She had sustained some rough handling 
before she arrived at her haven of ref- 
uge, which she did in a crippled con- 
dition. Farragut felt great chagrin at 
the mere fact that she had managed 
to elude him. Several attempts were 
made to disable her further, but none 
were successful. 

After the commander of the Gulf 
fleet reached ITew Orleans again, he had 
remained there but a week, when the 
news was brought him that assistance 
was needed at Baton Eouge, where a 
few thousand Federal troops were oc- 
cupying the abandoned earthworks of 



82 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 
tlie Confederates. They were under the 
command of General Williams, who lost 
hiS; life in the defence of his position 
on August 5. The Arlcansas left Vicks- 
burg on the 3d, under cover of night, 
to assist in the taking of the Yankee 
fortifications at Baton Eouge. But a 
short distance below Yicksburg her 
machinery gave way ; and upon the 
appearance of the TJ.S.S. Essex, her 
commander set her on fire and ran her 
ashore, where she blew up. The story 
of her end quickly spread abroad. 

Farragut reported to the department, 
stating his pleasure at sending on this 
news. ^^It is the happiest moment of 
my life, '^ he writes, ^Hhat I am able to 
inform the department of the destruction 
of the ram Arkansas. Not because I 
held the ironclad in such terror, but 
because the community did. ' ^ And then, 
in writing a private letter on about the 
same date, he expressed himself thus: 
"My last trip up the Mississippi was a 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 83 
fruitless one j but it was well done, be- 
cause it showed the enemy that we were 
prompt and always ready to be upon 
them with a sharp stick. I received the 
news in the middle of the night, and 
at daylight was off in the Hartford for 
Baton Eouge, after the Arkansas, I 
had told the secretary that I did not 
believe she would ever leave the forts 
at Vicksburg, but that, if she did, she 
was mine. Before I got there, she was 
blown up. My delight would have been 
to smash her in Hartford style, but 
I would have been just as well pleased 
for Bell to have done it : he would have 
done it just as well. Although Bill 
Porter did not destroy her, he was the 
cause and thought his shells did the 
work ; for they would have hardly de- 
stroyed her unless he had made the at- 
tack. I insist that Porter is entitled to 
the credit of it. He said to his of&cers, 
'That fellow keeps me uneasy; and, 
after I get my breakfast to-morrow, I 



84 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
will go up and destroy Mm.' And lie 
did, to the best of his ability. '^ 

On the 12th of August, Farragut re- 
ceived his commission as rear-admiral, 
dated July 16, 1862, together with the 
thanks of Congress, which he had so 
richly deserved. 

Previous to this time, early in July, 
Porter had been ordered home to take 
charge of an important commission ; and 
thus Farragut lost the services of the 
man on whom he depended more than 
any other. Soon he left the river, and 
anchored at Pensacola, where he heard 
of strange things the Confederates were 
doing for the defence of Mobile. 

Farragut' s contempt for rams and 
rumors was unbounded. Upon one oc- 
casion he spoke as follows: ^^I cer- 
tainly believe very little that comes in 
the shape of reports. ... I mean to be 
whipped or to whip my enemy, and not 
to be scared to death.'' Upon another 
occasion he said, in writing to his family : 



DAVID GLASGOW FAKEAGUT 85 
'^ Don't believe a word about the rams. 
There is nothing here that my gunboats 
cannot whip." And, in the general or- 
ders issued before an attack, he makes 
the following statement in the form of 
advice to the officers who expected to 
serve with him: ^^Let it be your pride 
to show the world that danger has no 
greater terrors for you in one form than 
in another ; that you are as ready to 
meet the enemy in one shape as in an- 
other; that you have never, in your 
wooden ships, been alarmed by fire- 
rafts, torpedoes, chains, batteries, iron- 
clad rams, gunboats, or forts. The same 
Great Power preserves you in the pres- 
ence of them all." 

In order to reduperate the health of 
his crew and prepare for the coming 
conflict, he took time and pains in 
attending to every detail, and gave his 
hard-worked men as much liberty as 
possible. 

During the early part of the month 



\ 



86 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 

of September the weather was delight- 
ful, and everything went swimmingly. 
A few extracts from his letters written 
at about this date show not only Far- 
ragut's frame of mind, but his mental 
attitude toward life. He writes on Sep- 
tember 3 : ^^ The health of myself and all 
on board is excellent, the temperature 
is delightful, and my crew are getting 
back to their accustomed tone. I re- 
ceived letters from the department by 
this mail, entirely different from the 
last. They talk about my 'wisdom,' 
'judgment,' etc. ; but, when the Arkan- 
sas was at Vicksburg, I was ' to destroy 
her at all hazards.' I would have given 
my admiral's commission to have got- 
ten up to the Arkansas, I wanted a 
wooden ship to do it. The ironclads 
are cowardly things, and I don't want 
them to succeed in the world." 

'< On September 21. 

''As to prize money, I never count 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 87 
upon it. If any comes, well and good. 
But I am not so anxious to make money 
as I am to put an end to this horrid 
war. . . . 

^^You can't imagine what a time I 
have of it to keep some of the officers 
from going home, as they say, ^ only for 
a week ' ; but they hope that, when they 
get l^orth, they may be relieved. But I 
won't let them go unless on medical 
survey. They complain. But I tell 
them it is of no use, we must all do 
our duty, and, when that is completed, 
we can all go home.'' 

Farragut could hardly sleep at night, 
he testifies, by reason of the constant 
turn of his thought to Mobile. He did 
not care how much the enemy knew 
of his plans to close up that port, say- 
ing to himself that the only thing he 
would keep secret was ^Hhe day he 
would do so." 

The most careful plans were laid at 



88 DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 
this very time ; and they were the same, 
practically, that were afterward carried 
out to the letter. He knew that the 
Confederates were constantly making 
the batteries and forts at Mobile Bay 
stronger, and he was also informed that 
they were constructing rams under the 
direction of his old friend and shipmate, 
Commodore Buchanan, for whose ability 
he had much respect. But he never 
doubted. 

Eeports at this time from the Missis- 
sippi caused a change in his designs. 
The Confederates had been extremely 
active at Yicksburg and up the river 
at Port Hudson. They seemed to recog- 
nize that, if they did not show a stronger 
force on the river and prevent a free 
passage between the loyal States north- 
ward and the Gulf, they would be sub- 
ject to rear attacks and constant harass- 
ments. At all costs they determined to 
close the Mississippi. The authorities at 
Washington made note of it. 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 89 
In November we find Farragut once 
more on board his old flagship, the 
Hartfordy off New Orleans. The stream 
was low, — too low, indeed, for an im- 
mediate start ; and he was forced to wait 
until he could have sufficient draught 
beneath his vessePs keel. Blockading 
was hard service. The delay was de- 
bilitating, and before long he was act- 
ually ^^ spoiling for a fight. '^ 

Upon the arrival of General Banks, 
who superseded General Butler, Baton 
Eouge was occupied, under Farragut' s 
advice ; and thus a base of operations 
was secured against the time when the 
river would be high enough to proceed 
to Port Hudson. 

Two events that happened at this 
juncture, cast a gloom over Farragut' s 
mind. One was the recapture of the 
city of Galveston, the other was the loss 
of the TJ.S.S. Kattei^as, which was sunk 
by the Confederate steamer Alabama. 
Had it not been for the fact that the 



90 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

work in hand demanded all his atten- 
tion, Farragut would have started for 
the coast of Texas. In fact, one morn- 
ing he got under way in order to run 
out into the Gulf, and found himself 
aground in the South "West Pass. So 
badly did he fetch up on the bar that 
the Hartford was in actual danger of 
leaving her bones there. Galveston was 
never retaken. 

Port Hudson, fifteen miles above 
Baton Eouge, was now the objective 
point of operations on the Mississippi. 
Banks had been persuaded to join in the 
enterprise, and to detach troops to make 
demonstrations in the rear ; and every- 
thing was in readiness for the fleet to 
make the attempt to pass the batteries. 

It was a more difficult undertaking 
than that of passing Yicksburg, toward 
which Grant had been working his way. 
The flagship was accompanied by the 
Richmond, armed with twenty six, eight, 
and nine inch Columbiads, the Missis- 



DAVID GLASGOW PARRAGUT 91 
sippi with twenty- one, the Monongahela 
with sixteen heavy guns, and the gun- 
boats AlbatrosSj Kineo, Sacheni, and Genes- 
see each carrying three Columbiads and 
two rifled thirty-two-pounders. The 
Mississippi was the only side- wheeler in 
the fleet. 

On the 14th of April all the fleet were 
anchored just out of the range of the Con- 
federate guns. That night the Hartford 
displayed the signal to advance, and, 
with the ATbatrosSj lashed to her side, 
led the line, followed by the Biclimond 
lashed to the Genesseej and the Mononga- 
hela with the Kineo. Last came the 
Mississippi and the Sachem, There were 
nearly four miles of batteries along the 
banks, rising line above line, like a 
ship's broadsides. No sooner had the 
vessels hove in sight than signal lights 
flashed and bonfires blazed on the 
heights and close to the water's edge, 
throwing their red dancing lights the 
width of the rippling stream. It was a 



92 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
frightful sight, — the zone of fire of 
those concentrated forts. Silently the 
vessels went ahead, but it was not long 
before they were all replying to the 
cannonade that greeted them. The guns 
of their starboard batteries were fired as 
rapidly as they could be loaded. There 
was no breeze stirring, and the smoke 
soon discounted the lights that had been 
lit on shore ; but through the choking 
mists the vessels held their way. The 
mortar batteries below now had the 
range, and the sky was seamed with the 
fiery trails of burning fuses. Pilots were 
stationed in the mizzen rigging, where 
they could talk with those at the wheels, 
forward lookouts were stationed, and the 
lead was kept going from both bows and 
stern. Once the speed of the Sart- 
ford had to be checked, owing to the 
thickness of the smoke ; and it was just 
in time, for it was discovered that she 
was heading straight inshore. For an 
hour and a half the combat lasted, until 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 93 
word came down from Pilot Carrell 
that they had passed the forts and had 
turned the bend of the river. Then 
Farragut found that, excepting for the 
presence of his little consort, the Alba- 
trosSj he was alone. l!^one of the other 
vessels had succeeded in getting by. 
For a long time he could hear the sounds 
of the fight below, and mightily must his 
spirit have been tempted to turn about 
and once more enter the thick of it ; but 
he resisted this temptation, knowing that 
even the presence above the forts of the 
two vessels that had been successful, 
would help to defeat the purposes of 
the enemy, who were using the Eed 
Eiver as the highway for supporting 
their land forces, and as a port of refuge 
and a ship-yard for building their rams 
and gunboats. 

During the night the Albatross had 
a narrow escape. She had anchored 
up stream, some distance above the 
Hartford, and after midnight she drifted 



94 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
down the river, and was mistaken for a 
ram. The guns of the Hartford were 
trained upon her, and only the timely 
answer to a hail saved her from destruc- 
tion. 

One thing Farragut had witnessed 
with the greatest anguish. It was the 
burning of the great Mississippi, She 
had grounded opposite the forts, and 
had been set on fire. Further than 
that fact he knew nothing at the time. 
He could not tell how it had fared with 
the rest of his fleet. There was no way 
of communicating with them, and he was 
forced to report — with his usual hon- 
esty — that the passage of Port Hudson 
had been ^'a disaster.'' It was not until 
later, when the reason for the failure 
of the other vessels to get by was made 
known, that the disaster proved not to 
have been so great as he at first assumed. 

When all the reports of the various 
commanders of the fleets were admitted, 
it was seen that they had but met with 



DAYTD GLASGOW FAREAGUT 95 

the reverses and evil chances incident to 
the game of war, whenever and wher- 
ever played. 

In the light of some of the happen- 
ings in the recent war with Spain, it is 
interesting to take an extract from the 
official report of Captain Smith, of the 
Mississippiy who explains graphically and 
reasonably the loss of his command. 
^^I consider that I should be neglecting 
a most important duty," writes Captain 
Smith, ^^ should I omit to mention the 
coolness of my executive officer, Mr. 
Dewey, and the steady, fearless, and 
gallant manner in which the officers 
and men of the 3Iississippi defended 
her, and the orderly and quiet manner 
in which she was abandoned after being 
thirty-five minutes aground under the 
fire of the enemy's batteries. There 
was no confusion in embarking the 
crew ; and the only noise was from the 
enemy's cannon, which did not cease 
until some time after the ship was en- 



96 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
veloped in flames and the boats had 
passed out of the range of their guns.^' 
This executive officer was George Dewey, 
admiral of the United States Navy. 

Under the date of April 2d, 1863, 
the Secretary of the Navy wrote to 
Admiral Farragut, after receiving the 
combined reports of action: ^^The de- 
partment congratulates you and the 
officers and men of the Hartford upon 
the gallant passage of the Port Hudson 
batteries, and also of the battery at Grand 
Gulf. Although the remainder of your 
fleet were not successful in following 
their leader, the department can find 
no fault with them. All appear to have 
behaved gallantly, and to have done 
everything in their power to secure suc- 
cess. Their failure can only be charged 
to the difficulties in the navigation of 
the rapid current of the Mississippi, 
and matters over which they had no 
control.'^ 
^ Very soon important operations were 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 97, 

begun in earnest against Mobile ; but 
before he left the river Farragut assisted 
in those against Donaldsonville, where 
his guns opened with such a flanking 
fire on the enemy that he assisted ma- 
terially in the reduction of the place. 
Grand Gulf was also bombarded ; and 
his vessels kept shifting from one place 
to another, doing good service as the 
occasion demanded. 

Early in August, we find Farragut 
in his old flagship in New York, and 
with him the Richmond and the Brooklyn, 
All of them required extensive repairs. 
They were visited by thousands of people, 
anxious to see the heroic old ships with 
their battle scars and bruises. 

It was not until January, 1864, that 
everything was in readiness for the sec- 
ond great expedition to the Gulf; and 
in the midst of a snow-storm, Farragut 
put out from Sandy Hook, with his 
flag again flying from the Sartford. 
The word '^ Mobile ^^ was written on 



98 BAYID GLASGOW FAEBAGUT 
the mind of every man from forecastle 
to cabin. Upon his arrival the admiral 
made a survey of the forts and surround- 
ings of Mobile, and immediately made 
the following report: ^^On the morn- 
ing of the 20th inst., I made a recon- 
noissance of Forts Morgan and Gaines. 
I went in over the bar in the gun- 
boat Odoraraj Lieutenant Commander 
Lowe taking the Itasca in company 
as a precaution against accident. We 
passed up to Land Island, and laid 
abreast of the light-house on it. The 
day was uncommonly fine, and the air 
very clear. We were distant from the 
forts three (3) and three and a half (3^^) 
miles, and could see everything dis- 
tinctly. So it was easy to verify the state- 
ment of the refugee Mcintosh in respect 
to the number of guns visible on the bas- 
tions of the fort. I could count the guns 
and the men who stood by them ; could 
see the spiles that had been driven across 
from Fort Gaines to the channel opposite 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 99 

Fort Morgan, the object of which is to 
force the ships to keep as close as pos- 
sible to the latter. There was no vessel 
in the bay except one transport steamer. 
^^I am satisfied that if I had one iron- 
clad at this time, I conld destroy their 
whole force in the bay, and reduce the 
forts at my leisure, by co-operation with 
our land forces, say five thousand men. 
We must have about two thousand and 
five hundred men in the rear of each 
fort, to make regular approaches by 
land, and to prevent the garrison's re- 
ceiving supplies and re-enforcements ; 
the fleet to run the batteries, and fight 
the flotilla in the bay. But without 
ironclads, we should not be able to 
fight the enemy's vessels of that class 
with much prospect of success, as the 
latter would lie on the flats, where our 
ships could not go to destroy them. 
Wooden vessels can do nothing with 
them unless by getting within one or 
two hundred yards, so as to ram them 
or pour in a broadside. 



100 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

^^ am told by Mr. Shock, the first 
engineer, that two of the ironclads now 
being constructed at St. Louis are fin- 
ished, and that three or four ought to 
be at this time. If I could get these, 
I would attack them at once.'^ 

He was fortunate in possessing very 
full and elaborate descriptions and maps 
of the Confederate works and the vessels 
of the inner harbor, which he ob- 
tained from a I^orthern mechanic who 
had been employed in Mobile at the be- 
ginning of the war, and who had used 
his time to good advantage. Managing 
to escape, he had reached Pensacola, and 
reported what he had learned to Farra- 
gut. He was given a billet on board 
the Octorara. 

Although it was seen that what this 
man had told was true, — that the shores 
bristled with heavy guns, the channels 
were alive with torpedoes, some formid- 
able vessels were in waiting, and a huge 
ram had been constructed, — Farragut 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 101 
was nothing daunted. All lie was to 
do, all lie wished for, was to get at 
them. But many months were to go 
by before the orders were received 
and everything was in readiness. 
There had been some desultory bom- 
bardment of the forts; but unaccount- 
able delays had been made by the 
department, and winter, spring, and 
midsummer passed before everything 
was ready. 

Meantime affairs had been going 
better with the Northern forces on land 
and sea. Considerable victories had 
been gained, the Mississippi was opened, 
and the Kearsarge had sunk the Ala- 
bama. Farragut had been praying for 
a heavy ironclad, and at last he was 
informed that the double-turreted mon- 
itor Tecumseh had arrived at Pensacola. 
Then orders to attack were immediately 
issued. 

On the 4th of August Farragut wrote 
his wife a letter that has already been 



102 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

published j but it is so beautiful, so full 
of interest and of the very essence of 
the man, that it is well to insert it 
here : — 

"Flagship * H artfokd, ' 
" "Western Gulf Blockading Squadron, 
" Off Mobile, Aug. 4, 1864. 

'^My dearest Wife, — I write and leave 
this letter for you. I am going into 
Mobile Bay in the morning, if ^ God is 
my leader, ^ as I hope He is ; and in 
Him I place my trust. If He thinks it 
is the proper place for me to die, I am 
ready to submit to His will, in that as 
all other things. My great mortification 
is that my consorts, the ironclads, were 
not ready to have gone in yesterday. 
The army landed last night, and are in 
full view of us this morning ; and the 
Tecumseh has not yet arrived from Pen- 
sacola. 

^^God bless and preserve you, my dar- 
ling, and my dear boy, if anything 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 103 
should happen to me; and may His 
blessings also rest upon your dear 
mother and all your sisters and their 
children ! 

^^Your devoted and aflfectionate hus- 
band, who never for one moment forgot 
his love, duty, or fidelity to you his 
devoted and best of wives. 

^^D. G. Farragut. 
"To Mrs. D. G. Farragut, 
" Hastings on the Hudson, N.Y." 

A few hours after writing this letter 
the Tecumseh joined the fleet; and at 
daylight the next morning the signal 
was made to weigh anchor and to make 
in toward the harbor. 

Strange to say, according to the orig- 
inal plan, Farragut was not to lead in 
the Hartford. The wooden vessels were 
lashed together in the following order. 
The BrooJclyrij Captain James Alden, 
commander, led the fleet, with the 
Octorara, Lieutenant Commander C. H. 



104 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Green, on the port side. Next came 
the flagship Sartford^ Captain Percival 
Drayton, with the Metacomet, Lieuten- 
ant Commander J. E. Jewett; the 
Richmondj Captain T. A. Jenkins, with 
the Fort Boyal, Lieutenant Commander 
B. Gheradi ; the LacMwana, Captain 
G. B. Marchand, with the Seminole^ 
Commander E. Donaldson; the Monon- 
gdhela, Commander F. H. Strong, with 
the Kennebec^ Lieutenant Commander 
W. P. McCann; the OssipeCy Com- 
mander W. E. LeEoy, with the Itasca, 
Lieutenant Commander George Brown; 
and the Oneida, Commander E. M. Mul- 
lany, with the Galena, Lieutenant Com- 
mander C. H. Wells, completed the line. 
It was only at the earnest solicitation of 
his officers that the admiral had given 
the honor of leading to the Brooklyn; 
but so much depended upon his own 
personality in the conflict, and the safety 
of the flagship that it was deemed best 
not to submit her to the earliest and 



DAVID GLASGOW FAKKAGUT 105 

heaviest fire. ^^ Exposure is one of the 
penalties of rank in the navy," said 
Farragut in disctissing the matter ; ^^ and, 
no matter where the flagship is, she will 
be the main target of the enemy. '^ 

On steamed the fleet. The batteries 
and forts could be seen lying ominously 
silent. Under the protection of the 
guns the Confederate rams and ironclads 
lurked in readiness. Huge columns of 
smoke poured up from their funnels, 
showing that the fires were blazing and 
that they were ready for the spring 
into action. 

At 6.45 the Tecumseh fired the shot 
that opened the ball, but the forts did 
not reply for twenty minutes. Then 
they broke out into sheets of flame and 
smoke. The Confederate rams and iron- 
clads joined in, concentrating their fire 
upon the wooden vessels. Farragut had 
himself lashed in the rigging below 
the maintop, in order to be in a posi- 
tion where he could overlook the move- 



106 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

ments of every vessel. All at once lie 
saw the Brooklyn ahead of him re- 
verse her engines, and a cry rang out 
that sounded above the roaring of the 
cannon. Looking ahead through the 
smoke, he saw a sight that would have 
caused a fainter heart than his to fail 
entirely. Where was the Tecumsehf 
What had become of the vessel in 
which he trusted so much? She had 
been placed under the command of a 
man whom he knew and loved, the 
brave Craven. Nothing could be seen 
but the tops of her turrets slowly going 
down in the muddy waters of the bay. 
She had struck the first of the torpe- 
does. The whole line was thrown into 
confusion, for the channel was compara- 
tively narrow 5 but no such word as ^ ' fal- 
ter'' did the admiral know. ^^ Signal 
for close action!" he shouted to the 
group of of&cers below on the quarter- 
deck. ^^Full speed ahead!" and, pass- 
ing the BrooJclyUy he swept on to the 



DAYID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 107 
head of the line, the place where he 
had felt that he should be. In front 
of him were the little buoys that were 
supposed to mark the hidden mines ; but 
what cared he for them? He deter- 
mined, as he afterwards expressed it, 
^^to take the chances.'^ Every vessel 
in the fleet broke out into mighty 
cheers, and followed their beloved 
leader. Turning to the north-west, he 
kept to the channel, endeavoring to 
come as close to the forts as was prac- 
ticable. ^^Damn the torpedoes. Go 
ahead ! ^ ^ may never have been spoken 
by him, but it was his sentiment; and 
to-day it possesses a significance in the 
ears of the navy, — it is a watchword 
that will never die. The masonry flew 
from the fort as his heavy broadside 
crushed into it ; and then, as he put his 
helm a little more to starboard, he saw 
the great ram Tennessee coming out 
to meet him. This was the craft that 
the Tecumseh was expected to van- 



108 DAYID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
quish. She was probably then the most 
formidable vessel in the world. Pre- 
senting but a little target, her sloping 
iron sides were built at an angle de- 
signed to deflect the heaviest solid round 
shot. She had four ports a side from 
which she fought, filled with four seven- 
inch Brooks rifles. Forward and aft 
she carried two nineteen-inch Colum- 
biads. The Hartford gave her a broad- 
side as she approached, but did not 
stop, continuing straight on for the gun- 
boats, Selma, Gaines^ and Morgan^ who 
were pouring a raking fire into her, to 
which she could not reply, even with 
her single heavy bow gun; for its car- 
riage had been shattered by a shell from 
the fort. 

It is said that Farragut always fought 
as though it were a personal conflict, as 
if he kept his anger under full control, 
but was determined to kill, no matter 
what dangers threatened. It was his 
one desire and aim to reach the enemy's 



DAVID GLASGOAY FAEEAGUT 109 

heart. AYithout ceremony, then, he cast 
off the Metacomet from his side, gave her 
orders to head for the Selma, and turned 
his own attention to the Morgan and 
the Gaines. He forced them into the 
shallow waters, where the latter caught 
fire beneath the very guns of the fort, 
and the Morgan fled to the mouth of the 
Mobile Eiver. 

The Metacomet succeeded in run- 
ning up to the Selma and capturing 
her. Farragut turned from watching 
the chase, and rejoiced to see that all 
of his vessels, except the ill-fated Te- 
cumseh had passed the batteries. He de- 
scended to the deck, and was telling his 
signal officer to order the fleet to come 
to anchor, when a cry went up, — ^^The 
ram ! the ram ! the Tennessee ! ' ^ 

Farragut had often spoken in his per- 
sonal correspondence of the contempt he 
personally felt for what he termed the 
'^ram fever, '^ but now whether the 
fever was to be a scare or a scourge 



110 BAYID GLASGO\y PAREAGtrT 
must be proven. Steering straight 
for the fleet, came the monstrous Thing. 
Admiral Buchanan, bold and tried, was 
in command of her. Farragut changed 
the signal that was about to be hoisted ; 
and once more he swept aside the age 
of steam and gunpowder, and went back 
to the tactics of Andrea Doria, to the 
days of the beaked ships. 

^^ Signal the vessels to run her down ! '^ 
he said tersely ; and immediately he gave 
further orders to get up the Hart- 
ford^ s anchor that had just been let 
go, and to join in the charge full speed. 
Captain Strong was in the Monongahela, 
the rearmost vessel, and was still moving 
uj) the bay, when he perceived that he 
was the ram's first object of attack. He 
sheered out from the fleet, and with a 
full head of steam he drove straight at 
her. He struck her fair and square. 
The iron prow and cutwater of his 
vessel were crunched and carried away; 
and, as he swung out, he poured a broad- 



DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 111 
side at the ram from a range of but 
fifteen yards. His guns were of eleven 
inch calibre j but the shot bounded 
harmlessly from the heavy mail. He 
wheeled, and, despite his crippled bows, 
came back once more to the attack. Be- 
yond all doubt this first bold charge had 
saved some of the vessels of the fleet, for 
it had stopped the Tennessee's mad on- 
slaught. 

Now came the Lackawanna^ the foam 
rolling away from her cutwater, as, 
under full headway, she struck the ram 
abaft the quarter. She glanced off from 
the iron sides, but she had almost rolled 
the huge craft over with the shock she 
gave. So great was the force, however, 
that she stove in her own topsides, her 
stern being cut away within three feet 
of the water's edge. She had sprung 
a bad leak. Luckily, a gunner on the 
Lackawanna had fired his piece just at 
the moment it bore upon one of the 
heavy shutters of the Tennessee. The 



112 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
muzzle of the great gun was but twelve 
leet away, and the solid shot broke the 
shutter into fragments that carried 
death and destruction into the ironclad. 
Through the shattered port the rebel 
gunners could be seen. Words were 
exchanged between the opposing crews ; 
and, in their anger and desire to do 
something, the Yankee gunners heaved 
a holystone, and even a spittoon was 
thrown through the opening at their 
jeering foes. 

Some one forward on the Lackawanna 
shouted out, ^^Here comes the Hart- 
ford!''^ and down she charged. With 
her huge weight the force of the blow 
would have been almost overwhelm- 
ing ) but the Tennessee sheered a little, 
and the Hartford's impact was but a 
glancing one. She ground along her 
adversary's side, and came to a stand- 
still. At the distance of only fifteen 
feet she poured in her whole broadside 
of nine-inch solid shot, but they broke 



DAVID GLASGOW FAERAGUT 113 

into fragments or fell harmlessly back 
into the water. But those of the Ten- 
nessee ripped through the sides, and 
strewed the Sartford's deck with dead 
and wounded. One 150-pound shell, 
in exploding, drove the fragments 
through the spar and berth deck into 
the hold below among the wounded. 
Farragut circled off, in order to come 
back once more, and there and then 
sink or be sunk. 

The Lackawanna and the Sartford 
were now driving down two sides of a 
triangle with the ram as their objective 
point. By some accident the former ves- 
sel struck the flagship a little forward of 
the mizzen, ripping away her bulwark 
to within two feet of the water line. At 
first it was thought that the brave old 
Sartford would go down ; but, when the 
admiral perceived he still floated, he 
called for a full head of steam again, 
intending to send the wounded hulk on 
board the enemy once more. But the 



114 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

slow little monitors had by this time 
crawled up. The Chickasaw and the 
Manhattan were getting in their work. 
Lieutenant Perkins, the crack shot of 
the navy, sighted one of the heavy 
guns, which caught the ram on her 
stern port shutter and traversed her full 
length. Another shot carried away 
the steering gear, smashing the chains. 
Her smoke-stack was now tottering, and 
soon fell over the side. By the hammer- 
ing and pounding many of her shutters 
became jammed. She ceased to reply, 
and lay there, as an eye-witness wrote, 
^^Like a bleeding stag at bay among 
the hounds.'^ Her fate was sealed. The 
brave Admiral Buchanan was wounded. 
Her commander, Johnston, looking out 
from her forward port, saw the Ossi- 
pee under Commander LeEoy bearing 
down hard upon him. Not far away, 
upon the same vindictive errand of 
destruction were sweeping forward the 
Monongahela and the Lackawanna, If 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 115 

they struck him in his helpless con- 
dition, down he would go ; and, just in 
time to prevent the catastrophe, he 
hoisted the white flag. The Ossipee was 
so near at that moment that a collision 
could not be prevented, and she rasped 
along the ram's sides. Commander 
LeEoy received Captain Johnston's sur- 
render on the deck of his own vessel 
which now made fast to the Tennessee. 
It was ten minutes past ten when 
Farragut brought his fleet to anchor 
to repair damages. The killed and 
wounded in all of his vessels amounted 
to three hundred and thirty-five, twenty- 
five of whom met their death on board 
the Hartford. The loss of the Te- 
cumsehj which had gone down with her 
captain and one hundred and thirteen 
of her crew, cast a gloom over all 
the fleet, despite the victory. But one 
little incident must not be forgotten. 
As the Hartford dashed ahead to lead 
the line, she dropped Acting Ensign 



116 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
Melds with a boat's crew to pick up 
the survivors of Craven's ship ; and in 
the storm of shot and shell he pulled to 
within about six hundred yards of the 
forts, and saved many lives of those 
struggling in the waters. During the 
height of the action Farragut found 
time to call attention to this brave 
deed. The only other vessel besides 
the Tecumseh that was lost was the gun- 
boat Fhilippi which was heavily hit and 
ran ashore. 

When the news of this great victory 
reached the North, the people cheered 
for days. The forts at Mobile were sur- 
rounded. Fort James fell easily into 
the hands of the northern forces ; and, 
after a short bombardment. Fort Morgan 
capitulated. Mobile, which had been a 
thorn in the flesh of the administration, 
was completely in the Union power. 

The British Army and Navy Gazette, 
up to that time altogether in favor of 
the Confederacy, as had been most 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 117 
British papers, took a decided change 
upon receiving news that Mobile had 
fallen. In an editorial published in 
August of that year it says, ^^ Already 
a fleet of transports has sailed from New 
York to supply the doughty admiral, 
whose feats of arms place him at the 
head of his profession, and certainly con- 
stitute him the first naval officer of the 
day, as far as actual reputation, won by 
skill, courage, and hard fighting goes.'^ 
Under date of August 12, Farragut 
writes, ^^Of course, you see how the 
papers are puffing me 5 but I am like 
BrownelPs old cove, — ^ All I want is to 
be let alone,' to live in peace (if I sur- 
vive this war) with my family." 
Great deeds and simple needs, of a 
truth! Then he goes on: — 

^^The small gunboats arrived just in 
good time. The Glasgow and Loyall 
were my chief dependents for light 
work. The latter was mistaken by the 
enemy for a torpedo boat. I have quite 



118 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 

a colony here now, — two forts, a big 
fleet, and a bay to run about in." 
How this attitude makes us love the 
man ! 

When everything was reduced to his 
satisfaction and placed in good order, 
Farragut returned to Pensacola, and he 
sailed thence for the North on November 
30, 1864. Great were the honors of- 
fered him. Presents and tokens of es- 
teem were showered upon him, but he 
receiv^ed them all with the quiet dignity 
of a great and simple mind. A man 
brave in spirit, possessing a religious 
sentiment, and, above all, a sense of 
humor can never have his head turned 
by anything that may happen him on 
earth. 

He saw no further active service dur- 
ing the war. On July 26, 1866, Con- 
gress created the grade of admiral, and 
conferred the office on Farragut with 
the applause of the nation. 

In company with his wife, in June, 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 119 
1867, he made a cruise in the frigate 
Franklin in European waters. 

It was forty years since he had seen 
the shores of Europe. Then he was a 
midshipman ; now he bore the highest 
rank that his country could confer upon 
him. Everywhere he was feted, toasted, 
and generously greeted. Crowned heads 
and great people were anxious to meet 
him. The journal he kept during this 
cruise is so interesting that it could be 
read with profit by any one interested 
in the man. 

Ko American before or since has been 
paid such honors. And with what de- 
light do we turn to his own comments 
on these affairs ! His humble belief in 
his God, his simple faith, and his sturdy 
republicanism made him proof against 
any temptations to indulge in self-praise 
or to show by word or deed that all this 
adulation had changed his character. 
Nothing had changed it. The truly 
great are the really simple j and, whether 



120 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

Farragut was talking with a king or a 
cartographer, his manners were the same. 
He was the admiral, the officer, the 
American gentleman, interested, cour- 
teous, and self-assured, no matter in what 
surroundings. 

After a very fine voyage, with good 
weather and favoring winds, the FranJcUn 
put into the harbor of Cherbourg on the 
evening of July 14. Under the date of 
the 21st of the month the admiral makes 
the following entry in his journal : — 

"Went to Paris with Mrs. Farragut, 
and let the officers go as they wished to 
see the Exposition. . . . Called upon by 
nearly all the Americans in Paris. We 
visited the Exposition daily during our 
stay. I did not see half of the depart- 
ments,'^ — and here the sailor crops out ; 
for he adds most pertinently, "saw pretty 
much all the boats and guns, however, '^ 
then continuing : " Vice- Admiral Hal- 
stead was exhibiting a new system of iron- 
clad with upper decks and tripod masts, — 



DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT 121 

upper works for comfort of the crew. 
I do not think an ironclad can be so 
constructed as to float easily with all the 
appurtenances for sail and steam, and the 
additional superstructure of decks, hav- 
ing at the same time armor thick enough 
to resist 15 or 20 inch shot.'' 

What would the admiral have said 
to the armored belt, the great barbette 
and turret plating of to-day, to military 
masts and fighting tops and all of it? 
It is a strange thing how the old sailors 
of the days of heave and haul stuck by 
their wooden ships. They hated to see 
them go. Farragut had often said, ^'I 
am not afraid of the ironclads ' ' j and off 
Mobile on June 21, 1864, while expect- 
ing the fleet of Admiral Buchanan to 
come out and give battle, he wrote thus : 
^^The question has to be settled, iron 
versus wood ; and there never was a bet- 
ter chance to settle the sea-going quali- 
ties of ironclad ships. We are ready to- 
day to try anything that comes along, 



122 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

be it wood or iron, in reasonable quanti- 
ties." Everywhere he went in Europe 
he closely observed everything that had 
had to do with his craft and calling, but 
especially did he make note of the trans- 
ition then going on in naval architecture. 
The unending struggle between armor 
and armament had begun. 

On July 26 the admiral made the fol- 
lowing entry in his journal : — 

^' Heard that the empress was coming 
to Cherbourg in her yacht. I hastened 
down to Cherbourg, exchanged notes 
with Admiral Eeynaud, and promised to 
participate in the honors to her Majesty. 

^^ At ten o'clock p.m. received an in- 
vitation to dine with the emperor in 
Paris." 

So the admiral left Captains Pennock 
and LeEoy to do the honors, should the 
beautiful but capricious lady put in an 
appearance; and he was off again for 
Paris. That evening, in company with 
the American minister, General Dix, he 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 123 
appeared at the Tuileries ; but let Farra- 
gut tell the story of his first informal 
meeting with royalty, — the emperor 
Napoleon III. : — 

^^On entering [he writes] I was met 
by his Majesty, who shook hands and 
welcomed me to France. General Dix 
was placed on the right and I on the left 
of the emperor, the ministers of foreign 
affairs and marine in front. The others, 
ten in number, I did not know.^' They 
talked of ships and naval inventions; and 
the admiral's only comment, after re- 
cording the substance of some of the 
talk, was: ^^He led the conversation in 
everything, and talked freely on subjects 
that he felt an interest in.'' 

And so it was through his entire cruise 
in foreign waters. Everywhere did he 
create the same impression of force and 
character : everywhere Americans could 
look upon him with pride. He dined with 
the Grand Duke Constantine of Eussia, 
he reviewed the Eussian fleet with honors 



124 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 
only accorded to visiting royalty, he 
dined with the king of Sweden, Charles 
XV. ; and in return for all these civilities 
he gave numerous receptions on board 
the flagship. In fact, the admiral, dur- 
ing this visit, spent his whole income for 
the time in entertaining; not for himself, 
he felt, but for the honor of his country. 
Of his dining with the King of Denmark 
and his son George, King of Greece, the 
admiral writes, ^^The king was pleased 
to drink the prosperity of my country 
and my own individuality. ' ^ There was 
one little incident that must have ap- 
pealed to him greatly, and one that shows 
how kindly must have been the feeling 
of Eussia to the Union during the war. 
In the signal orders of the Eussian navy 
this sentence occurs: ^^Let us remem- 
ber the glorious examples of Farragut 
and his followers at New Orleans and 
Mobile. '^ 

In England he was no less welcome. 
Every facility for visiting shipyards and 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 125 
proving-grounds was given him. The 
Lords of the Admiralty could not do 
enough for him. The Prince of Wales 
and the Duke of Edinburgh became 
really his friends ; and with the queen 
he held a delightful and most informal 
interview. 

Leaving England, he went with his 
fleet to the Mediterranean. Everywhere 
it was the same story, — f^tes, receptions, 
and a royal welcome. From Gibraltar to 
the Bosphorus, and from Constantinople 
back again, the FranMin and the Ameri- 
can fleet, officers and men, were guests of 
honor. Farragut visited his father^ s 
birthplace, the island of Minorca; and 
he might have been a prince returning 
to his own. But all this left no impres- 
sion upon him except as evidences of good 
will to him and his country ; and the hero 
of Mobile — ^Hhe sea king of the sover- 
eign West, '^ as Holmes calls him — re- 
turned as simple and unspoiled as he 
had left. 



126 DAVID GLASGOW FAEEAGUT 

The Franldin arrived in New York on 
the 10th of November, 1868. The fol- 
lowing summer the admiral made a visit 
to the Pacific Coast with his wife. While 
on his return East, he was taken ill with 
heart disease, and was delayed in Chi- 
cago by a severe illness, but managed to 
reach home. 

The navy department placed the 
steamer Tallapoosa at his disposal, 
and with his family he was conveyed 
to Portsmouth, N.H. He knew he was 
near his end; and, as he reached the 
harbor and listened to the sound of 
the salute of honor, he looked up at 
the blue flag flying from the masthead. 
^^It would be well,'^ said he, ^'\il died 
now in harness. ^^ 

The sloop-of-war Bale was then 
lying dismantled in the Portsmouth 
Navy Yard. One day the old admiral 
wandered aboard. The quartermaster 
in charge of the vessel was an old 
sailor J and, noticing that the admiraPs 



DAVID GLASGOW FAEKAGUT 127 
step was faltering^ lie assisted him. As 
Farragut went over the side and the 
sailor saluted him^ the great admiral 
turned and looked back through the 
gangway. ^'This is the last time/' he 
remarked with a sad expression on his 
face, ^Hhat I shall ever tread the deck 
of a man-of-war.'' It was a true fore- 
boding. He died at the house of Eear- 
Admiral Pennock, the commander of 
the navy yard, on the 14th of August, 
1870, at the age of sixty-nine. 

Great is the love and veneration in 
which the country must ever hold his 
name. Those who have seen the statue 
of him in Madison Square, in New York, 
can realize what the presence of the man 
in the full zenith of his power must 
have been. 

His simplicity, his words, and his 
spirit animated, beyond all doubt, the 
heart of America's living naval hero, 
the man who had served with him and 
had seen him fight, — George Dewey. 



128 DAVID GLASGOW FAREAGUT 
The noblest tribute that can be paid 
to the great deeds of the living is to 
compare them to the great deeds of the 
dead. To say truly of any naval officer, 
^^He is like Farragut/' is the highest 
praise our lips can speak to-day. 



BIBLIOGEAPHY. 

Those readers who wish for a more ex- 
tended knowledge of our first and, per- 
haps, greatest admiral, can wisely be 
referred to the following list of books. 
This list does not pretend to include 
every biography or history of Admiral 
Farragut. Its purpose is merely to af- 
ford a selection which will enable the 
reader to cover the ground from all 
points of view. 

I. Life and Caeeeb of David Glas- 
gow Farragut, by P. C. Headley (New 
York, 1865 : D. Appleton & Co.). This 
work, which is faulty and inaccurate in 
many respects, is yet interesting and 
informative, inasmuch as it discloses the 
popular appreciation of the admiral 
while he still stood in the great glare of 
the war. This was the first biography 
of him to appear. 

II. *" Farragut and our Naval Com- 
manders, by J. T. Headley (New York, 



130 BIBLIOGEAPHY 

1867: E. B. Treat & Co.), contains a 
briefer and juster, although far from 
errorless, account of the admiral. 

III. Our Admiral's Flag Abroad, 
by J. E. Montgomery (New York, 
1869 : G. P. Putnam & Son), is a very 
careful and complete though somewhat 
lengthy narrative of the European cruise 
which Farragut made in the Franklin 
the previous year. It is full of interest- 
ing incident, and goes far to make up 
the full history of the last part of the 
admiraPs life. 

IV. In the Essays in Modern Mili- 
tary Biography, by Mr. 0. 0. Ches- 
ney (London, 1874 : Longmans, Green 
&Co.), the author devotes a considera- 
ble chapter to ^'Admirals Farragut and 
Porter and the !Navy of the Union.'' 
The value of this lies chiefly in its worth 
as a foreign scientific opinion. 

V. The Life of David Glasgow 
Farragut, embodying his Journal and 



BIBLIOGEAPHY 131 

his Letters, by his son, Loyall Farragut 
(New York, 1879 : D. Appleton & Co.), 
is by far the most interesting work to 
read in this connection, containing as it 
does the ever valuable diary and letters 
of the admiral. His accounts of his ex- 
periences on land and sea, from Persia 
to the Pacific, show him to have been 
an able writer, a keen observer, and a 
shrewd critic of men and deeds. The 
life itself is of course of especial interest, 
coming from such an intimate and au- 
thentic source. 

YI. Admiral Farragut by Captain 
A. T. Mahan (New York, 1892; D. 
Appleton & Co.), is the work of a naval 
officer who has made himself famous as a 
scientific author of many books relating 
to his profession. As one might expect, 
the volume in question is one of research 
and criticism rather than of personal 
biography. It is well worth studying as 
the best representative work on Farragut 
from the standpoint described. 



132 BIBLIOGEAPHY 

VII. Midshipman Farragut, by James 

Barnes (New York, 1896 : D. Appleton 

&Co.). 



The beacon BIOGRAPHIES. 

M. A. DeWOLFE HOWE, Editor. 



The aim of this series is to furnish brief, readable, and 
authentic accounts of the lives of those Americans whose 
personalities have impressed themselves most deeply on the 
character and history of their country. On account of the 
length of the more formal lives, often running into large 
volumes, the average busy man and woman have not the 
time or hardly the inclination to acquaint themselves with 
American biography. In the present series everything that 
such a reader would ordinarily care to know is given by 
writers of special competence, who possess in full measure 
tne best contemporary point of view. Each volume is 
equipped with a frontispiece portrait, a calendar of important 
dates, and a brief bibliography for further reading. Finally, 
the volumes are printed in a form convenient for reading 
and for carrying handily in the pocket. 

The following volumes are the first issued : — 
PHILLIPS BROOKS, by the Editor. 
DAVID G. FARRAGUT, by James Barnes. 
ROBERT E. LEE, by W. P. Trent. 
JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL, by Edward Everett 

Hale, Jr. 
DANIEL WEBSTER, by Norman Hapgood. 

The following are among those in preparation : — 
JOHN JAMES AUDUBON, by John Burroughs. 
EDWIN BOOTH, by Charles Townsend Copeland. 
AARON BURR, by Henry Childs Merwin. 
JAMES FENIMORE COOPER, by W. B. Shubrick 

Clymer. 
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by Lindsay Swift. 



KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. 

(Limited), 

Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, London. 



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